An x-bar theory of Government Phonology*

Einführung in die Phonetik und Phonologie
WS 2007/8
John Rennison
Handout zur Rektionsphonologie
A. Eine erste Annäherung
(1) Element Position als Haupt
C
V
C
V
V
V
I
U
A
ATR
j-Gleitlaut/Approximant
“I” (vorne)
w-Gleitlaut/Approximant
“U” (gerundet)
“A” (nicht-hoch)
ATR
als Operator
palatal
vorne
labial, “dark”
gerundet
“A” (nicht-hoch)
ATR
(2) Akan vowel harmony (Clements, 1981). Vowel system: +ATR /i,e,A,o,u/, –ATR /I,E,a,O,U/.
ATR,A line A
skeleton
A
V - C V C V - V
O
k a s a
I
‘he spoke (it)’
ATR,A line A
skeleton
ATR
V - C V C V - V
o
f i t i
i
‘he pierced (it)’
ATR,A line A
skeleton
ATR
A
V - C V C V - V
o
b i s a
I
‘he asked (it)’
ATR,A line A
skeleton
A
A
ATR
V - C V C V - V
O
k A r i
i
‘he weighed (it)’
(3) Nyangumarda vowel harmony: the normal case (Hoard & O'Grady, 1976; McKelson, [no date];
O'Grady, 1974-75)
Transcription: y is IPA [j], j is IPA [dZ], ng is [9g]. Vowel system: /i, u, a/. NB: These are the full
GP representations of the vowels.
I,U,A line
skeleton
U
U
C V C C V
C V C V
C V
k u l p u - l u m u - r n u
return
FUTURE
I
‘I will return’
Handout zur Rektionsphonologie
I,U,A line
skeleton
I,U,A line
skeleton
A
Seite 2
A
C V C V
C V C V
C V
k a j a - l a m a - rn a
sit
FUTURE
I
‘I will sit’
(lexically: /kaja-lVpV-nrV/)
I
C V
C V C V
C V
j i - l i m i - rn i
do
FUTURE
I
‘I will do’
(lexically: /ji-lVpV-nrV/)
Observation: Some vowels are constant (e.g. in verb stems), others can be i, u or a by vowel harmony.
No vowel ever alternates between just 2 qualities (i/u, u/a or i/u). Conclusion: the harmonising vowels
are lexically empty.
(4) Nyangumarda vowel harmony: always triggered by the last vowel of the root
I,U,A line
skeleton
I,U,A line
skeleton
U
A
C V C C V
C V C V
C V
y u r p a - l a m a - rn a
rub
FUTURE
I
‘I will rub’
* U
(lexically: /yurpa-lVpV-nrV/)
A
C V C C V
C V C V
C V
*y* u r p a - l u m u - r n u
‘I will rub’
Analogously: kalku-lumu-rnu but not *kalku-lama-rna ‘care for’, and
kutapi-limi-rni but not *kutapi-lama-rna or *kutapi-lumu-rnu ‘cut (wood)’
(5) Nyangumarda vowel harmony: blocked by any lexical vowel; a new harmony domain can start
with any lexical vowel. (The ringed vowel is deleted by apocopy; long vowels are forbidden.)
I,U,A line
skeleton
I,U,A line
skeleton
A
U
A
U
X
C V C C V
C V C V
C V
V C V
w a n t u - l u m a - r n a - a ng u
stay
FUTURE
I
to-you
‘I will stay next to you’
(lex.: /wantu-lVpV-rnV-angu/)
A
U
A
I
(I)
C V C C V
C V C V
C V
C V C V
C V
y u n k u - l u m a - rn a - j a n i ny i
stay
FUTURE
I
them
for-us
‘I will give them for us (pl.incl.)’
(lex.: /yunku-lVmV-rnV-janV-inyi/ or /...V/)
3
(6) The vowels of Mòoré according to Raphaël Kabore (1994)
Lexical oral
i u
I U
e o
Phonetic oral
i u
I U
e o
E O
a
1(A)1
a
Lexical nasal
i$ u%
I$ U%
a%
Phonetic nasal
i$ u%
I$ U%
e% o%
E% O%
a%
1(A%)1
(7) A possible GP representation of the vowels of Mòoré (from Rennison, 1988, 1992)
ATR-line
ATR ATR
A-line
ATR
A
A
A
I,U-line
I
I
I
I
skeleton
x
x
x
x
x
vowel
(orthographic
i
i
e
I
I
e
E
E
A
a
ATR ATR
A
A
A
U
U
U
U
x
x
x
x
x
a
a
O
O
U
o
o
U
u
)u)
(8) ATR harmony (analysis from Rennison, 1992). The first three words harmonize, the last does not
(ATR is blocked by the A element)
ATR,A-line
I,U-line
ATR
I
ATR
I
A
I
ATR
I
ATR A
U
I
I
skeleton
x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x x x
transcription
l i g d i
b i i g A
m i i d u
s e g r I
(9) U and A umlaut in Ouagadougou
ATR,A-line
I,U-line
A
A
U
ATR A
A
U
U
I
I
ON
O N
ON
O N
ON-line2
O N
skeleton
x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x x x
transcription
k w aa g a
r OO g U
b o o s I
t E E g a
1
2
O N
O N
O N
This vowel appears in Kabore’s transcriptions, but is missing in other parts of his article. Generally, this vowel is
ignored by other authors. In northern Mòoré it is apparently phonetically [o].
The ON-line is added for clarity in this and the next diagram only. In all others it can easily deduced from the
association lines.
Handout zur Rektionsphonologie
Seite 4
(10) U and A umlaut in Ouahigouya (thicker lines are associations which are not permitted in
Ouagadougou)
ATR,A-line
A
I,U-line
U
ON-line
O N
skeleton
transcription
x x x x x
k OO g a
O N
A
O N
ATR A
A
U
U
I
I
ON
O N
ON
O N
x x x x x
r a ww g O
x x x x x
b o o s E
O N
x x x x x
t E E g a
(11) A-umlaut originating from e in Ouahigouya
ATR,A-line
I,U-line
skeleton
transcription
A ATR
I
I
x x x x x
v E n d e
(12) Failure of A-umlaut originating from I in Ouagadougou
ATR,A-line
I,U-line
skeleton
transcription
ATR A
I
I
x x x x x
v I n d e
(13) Frage: Wie funktioniert nun der I-Umlaut im heutigen Deutschen? Wie hat er anfangs (im
Althochdeutschen oder davor) funktioniert?
B. Die Weiterentwicklung der Elemente
(14) Eine weitere Verfeinerung der Elemente (old = KLV89, new = Rennison & Neubarth 2003). Das
Haupt steht jeweils rechts (old) bzw. links (new) und ist unterstrichen.
element
old
I
U
R
H
L
N
?
h
A
ATR
articulatory correlates acoustic correlates
new
I
U
R
H
L
L (head)
F (head of O)
F (operator of O)
F (head of N)
F (operator of N)
consonant
old
new
p or ph (h,H,?,U) (F,HU)
t or th (h,H,?,R) (F,HR)
k or kh (h,H,?,e) (F,H)
palatal
labial
coronal
high tone / voiceless
low tone / voiced
nasal
stop
aspiration / friction
non-high tongue body
advanced tongue root
vowel old
E (I,A,e) (F,I)
a (A)
(F)
O (A,U,e) (F,U)
dIp* (formant structure)
rUmp* (formant structure)
(formant structure)
high F0
lower F0
nasal formant
(almost) silence
noise
mAss* (formant structure)
formant structure
new
5
consonant
old
p or b (?,U)
t or d (?,R)
k or g (?,e)
new
(F,U)
(F,R)
(F)
vowel
E
O
consonant
old
new
b
(L,h,?,U) (F,LU)
d
(L,h,?,R) (F,LR)
g
(L,h,?,e) (F,L)
consonant old new
?
(?) ( )
old
(I)
(A,I)
(A) ?
(A,U)
(U)
(I,A)
(U,A)
new
[keine Entsprechung]
[keine Entsprechung]
consonant
old
new
m
(L,?,N,U) (LU)
n
(L,?,N,R) (LR)
ŋ
(L,?,N,e) (L)
vowel
old
new
7 (A,_), (_), ( )? ( )
consonant old
new
f
(h,U) (F,FU)
s
(h,R) (F,FR)
vowel
i
e
A
o
u
old
new
(I,F)
(F,FI)
(F,F)
(F,FU)
(U,F)
consonant
old
new
S
(I,h,R) (FF,RI)
ç
(h,I)
(FF,I)
vowel
I
E
a
O
U
old
(I,_)
(I,A,_)
(A._)
(A,U,_)
(U,e)
new
(I)
(F,I)
(F)
(F,U)
(U)
(15) Lazy elements (for contour segments and some branching onsets)
Contour type
Complex onset C(obstr.)r
C(obstr.)l
Palatalised
Cj
Labialised
Cw
Affricate
C(stop → fricative)
Diphthong
/aI/
/aU/
/OI/
Melody (relevant part only)
(FR,..)
(FR,..U+I+)
(..I)
(..U)
(..,F+) or (FH,..)
(F,I+)
(F,U+)
(F,U–I+)
References
Clements, George N. 1981. Akan vowel harmony. A nonlinear analysis. In Harvard Studies in
Phonology 2, ed. George N. Clements, 108-177. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University
Linguistics Club.
Hoard, James E. & Geoffrey N. O'Grady. 1976. Nyangumarda phonology: a preliminary report. In
Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages, ed. Robert M. W. Dixon, 51-77. New
Jersey: Humanities Press.
Kabore, Raphaël. 1994. La nasalité en Mòoré. Linguistique Africaine 13: 5-60.
McKelson, Kevin R. [no date]. Topical Vocabulary in Northern Nyangumarta. Ms., Aboriginal Studies
Electronic Data Archive, document 0017. Canberra.
O'Grady, Geoffrey N. 1974-75. Lecture handouts and notes on Nyangumarda. Ms. Dept. of
Linguistics, University of Salzburg.
Rennison, John R. 1988. Tridirectional autosegmental phonology and the PC. Habilitationsschrift,
Universität Wien.
Handout zur Rektionsphonologie
Seite 6
Rennison, John R. 1992. Welche Vokale hatte das Proto Gur? Überlegungen anhand der
Vokalharmonie und Vokalassimilation im Koromfe und Mòoré. In Komparative Afrikanistik.
Sprach-, geschichts- und literaturwissenschaftliche Aufsätze zu Ehren von Hans G.
Mukarovsky anläßlich seines 70. Geburtstags, eds. Erwin Ebermann, Erich R. Sommerauer &
Karl É. Thomanek. Wien: Institut für Afrikanistik.