Occupational Medicine 2003;53:256–264 DOI: 10.1093/occmed/kqg061 Stress in police officers: a study of the origins, prevalence and severity of stress-related symptoms within a county police force P. A. Collins and A. C. C. Gibbs Background High levels of stress-related illness are causing concern across industry. Against a background of impending legislative moves to try to improve this situation, there is a need to identify key work-related stressors. Police work tends to be regarded as inherently stressful because of the personal risk of exposure to confrontation and violence and the day-to-day involvement in a variety of traumatic incidents. As a result, high levels of stress-related symptoms might be expected in this population. Objective To examine the sources of stress-related symptoms within police officers and measure the prevalence of significant associated mental ill-health. Method A cross-sectional questionnaire survey of a population of 1206 police officers was performed to assess levels of strain associated with a series of potential home and work related stressors. Participants were then split into low and high scoring groups on the basis of a General Health Questionnaire (GHQ) threshold score in order to identify those stressors most associated with mental ill-health effects. Results Occupational stressors ranking most highly within the population were not specific to policing, but to organizational issues such as the demands of work impinging upon home life, lack of consultation and communication, lack of control over workload, inadequate support and excess workload in general. The high scoring group constituted 41% of the population and differed significantly from those with low scores in perception of all stressors, ranking both personal and occupational stressors more highly, and from personality constraints appeared significantly more ‘stress-prone’. A significant association between gender and mental ill-health was found, with females more likely to score more highly on the GHQ than males. Conclusion This study confirms previous findings of organizational culture and workload as the key issues in officer stress. Given that the degree of symptomatology appears to be worsening, management action is required. Further research is indicated within the police population into a possible increased susceptibility in female officers. Key words Gender; mental health; occupation; police; shifts; stress; workload. Received 23 September 2002 Revised 4 March 2003 Accepted 12 March 2003 & Safety Executive (HSE) [1] suggests that 20% of workers feel ‘very’ or ‘extremely’ stressed at work, with percentages rising to 40% in some occupational groups. The current study is based on police officers, whose occupation is generally perceived as highly stressful, caught between the increasing threat of violence on our streets, high public demand and a mounting focus on police efficiency and probity. Policing is amongst the top Introduction There is a growing preoccupation with stress as a problem within the workplace. Evidence from the Health BMI Health Services, Exeter, UK. Correspondence to: Pamela Collins, BMI Health Services, Bickleigh House, Park 5, Harrier Way, Exeter EX2 7HU, UK. E-mail: [email protected] Occupational Medicine, Vol. 53 No. 4, © Society of Occupational Medicine; all rights reserved 256 P. A. COLLINS AND A. C. C. GIBBS: STRESS IN POLICE OFFICERS 257 three occupations most commonly reported by both occupational physicians and psychiatrists in the Occupational Disease Intelligence Network (ODIN) system for Surveillance of Occupational Stress and Mental Illness (SOSMI) [2]. In other countries, levels of suicide several times higher than in age-matched populations are being reported among police officers [3,4]. When measured in terms of individual morbidity and mortality, the cost of stress-related illness in police officers would therefore appear to be high and financially this translates into an increasing burden in the form of reduced productivity, sickness absence and early retirement [5]. For police forces, 26% of medical retirement is due to psychological ill-health [6] and this cost is borne by the working budget, impacting directly upon service provision. Like the HSE, both Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) and the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) are pushing police forces to reduce sickness absence and ill-health retirement resulting from stress-induced illness. Much work has been done to try to identify the issues most associated with police stress. The greater part of this work stems from the USA and is not necessarily directly comparable to this country. However, an interesting and perhaps surprising finding within the US data is that it is not operational aspects, such as the risk of violence or exposure to traumatic events, which are perceived as most stressful—but, rather, organizational issues, such as managerial structure and climate [7,8]. A major difficulty in any study of stress is that it is based upon individual perception—if the same issues are viewed very differently purely as a result of differing personal interpretation, this will inevitably make objective assessment difficult. Most studies of police stress exhibit this problem and measure perceived strain rather than taking an objective measure of mental health effects. However, two British studies in particular are notable [9,10], both performed some 10 years ago, which did take a quantitative measure using recognized mental health scoring systems. Their findings show 17–22% of officers reaching significant levels of mental ill-health—associated particularly with organizational issues. In the intervening decade, a more violent and blameorientated culture appears to have developed within our society, which may have increased the frequency and intensity of stressful operational exposures. Police forces have also changed, by introducing measures such as employee assistance programmes, improved recruitment selection, better performance recognition, equal opportunities and sexual equality training to try to mitigate the effects of the organizational stress–strain reaction. Ten years on, this study reviews the evidence, to determine which factors within policing are currently most associated with a high risk of mental ill-health. Method A cross-sectional survey was conducted by administering a postal questionnaire to 1206 constables and sergeants within a county police force. These ranks were selected for the survey on the basis both of their predominance within the organization, constituting 85% of the force, and indications from previous studies [9,10] of increased liability to strain. The survey included all officers within the force holding these ranks, spread across the geographical sectors of the county, each of which constitutes a separate managerial division of the workforce. The survey was preceded by a pilot study using senior officers to test both questionnaire design and the delivery system. Draft copies were also circulated to the Police Federation, Welfare Department and Human Resources for comment and feedback, which was duly noted and acted upon. The questionnaire was designed to assess all aspects of the stress–strain cycle and, in addition to demographic information, collected details of: grading of the severity of perceived occupational · stress from equal numbers of organizational (relating · to workload and work climate) and operational (aspects of front-line duty) issues, which were drawn from previous studies [9,10]; the list of stressors so generated can be seen in Tables 2 and 3; grading of the severity of perceived personal life stress constructed from the Holmes and Rahe life events scale [11]; these included relationship problems, problems relating to children or to family illness/ bereavement, financial worries and moving house. A five-point grading scale was used to link participants’ verbal descriptions of perceived stress to a numerical scoring system with responses of ‘not at all’, ‘slightly’, ‘fairly’, ‘considerably’, or ‘extremely’ stressful being given scores of 1–5, respectively. Exposure patterns were measured by entering ‘nonapplicable’ in place of a perceived stress rating for stressors which were either not inherent in the work role or were inappropriate to personal home circumstances. This was felt to be important to avoid any reporting bias from differing exposure, particularly in specific police roles. Details were also collected of: constraints—personality traits as a measure of · ‘stress-proneness’ taken from the Eysenck personality · inventory [12], a widely used measure of self-reported personality assessment (as the complete inventory would have been too lengthy to incorporate into the questionnaire, a selection of questions was included to allow for a form of assessment of individual susceptibility to stress); moderators—factors which may buffer individual 258 OCCUPATIONAL MEDICINE · · reactions to stressor exposure, including home support, support from colleagues, workload management techniques such as delegation and limitation of work and exercise activity; data were also gathered on maladaptive behaviour patterns such as smoking and alcohol consumption; details of shift patterns, both as potential stressors in their own right and as potential confounders of other issues; officers were asked to state whether they worked regular hours with no shifts, early and late shifts but no night duty, full rotating shifts including night duty, or to give details of any other shift pattern; individual feelings about continuing a career within policing as an index of job satisfaction and enjoyment. The General Health Questionnaire (GHQ 12) was then used to identify two groups: a high scoring group with a threshold of 3 or more, with the remainder constituting a low scoring comparison group. Goldberg’s terminology of describing the high scoring group as ‘cases’ and the low scorers as ‘non-cases’ is used for simplicity throughout the study. It is, however, important to emphasize that the term ‘case’ is used simply to define a statistically significant probability of psychological morbidity at the point of study [13,14], rather than as a diagnostic or epidemiological term. Details of awareness of stress-related symptoms and resulting usage of primary care facilities and prescribed medication were also gathered, together with data on sickness absence, as a means of confirming the validity of the GHQ threshold score within the population. The study was anonymous in order to encourage participation and frank completion. Numbers not responding in terms of gender, rank and division were calculated by subtraction of responders from the total target population. Reminder notices were delivered at 2 and 4 weeks after the questionnaires were dispatched. Statistical analysis An initial analysis of data relating to the whole population was made, followed by comparison between the two groups created by the GHQ threshold. The Mann– Whitney non-parametric test was used to establish the degree of difference between the two groups in their responses to the graded answers given to enquiry about stressors and moderators and for answers of an ordinal nature in the questionnaire. The χ2 test, or Fisher’s test where appropriate, was used for answers that were categorical in nature from other sections of the questionnaire. Forward stepwise logistic regression was used to select those stressors that combined significantly to predict whether a subject was a case. Comparisons between the groups were based on statistical significance tests. This means that causal relationships cannot necessarily be inferred. Results General results from analysis of the total population Demographics Of the 1206 questionnaires sent out, 873 were returned, giving a response rate of 72%. The ratios of police constables to sergeants in the population and of male to female officers were both in the region of 5:1. Mental health The range of scoring on the GHQ 12 is shown in Figure 1, with 41% deemed to be ‘cases’ as defined by the study [14]. This percentage was higher than anticipated from previous studies [9,10]. However, the GHQ 12 threshold was that recommended by the author [14] and its validity is supported not only by previous studies [15], but also by the significant difference (P < 0.05) between the high and low scoring groups in their responses to all other questions relating to mental health. Response pattern Constables were less likely to take part in the survey than sergeants, bringing the ratio down from 5:1 in the population to 4:1 in the response group. Female officers had a higher response rate at 81%, compared with 70% in males. This differential response rate may introduce a degree of bias in the higher proportion of female cases, with a ratio of male to female cases of 3:1, compared with the population ratio of 5:1 male to female officers. The response rates from the different geographical divisions within the organization varied from 67 to 75%. Details of responders and subsequent analysis of the differences in responses from cases and non-cases are given in Table 1. Figure 1. GHQ scores for the total population. P. A. COLLINS AND A. C. C. GIBBS: STRESS IN POLICE OFFICERS 259 Stressors Organizational stressors were perceived as more stressful than operational issues by the population as a whole. Nine organizational stressors had a median score of 3 (fairly stressful), whereas no operational stressor had a median score >2 (slightly stressful). Issues ranking most highly within the population centred upon workload and time constraints and are identified in Table 2 (see footnote to table). Comparisons between groups Demographic differences Cases tended to be slightly, but not significantly, older (P = 0.14), with proportionately more cases found in the 40–49 year age group. However, there was no increase in caseness in the >50 year age group. Female gender appeared to be associated with caseness (P = 0.03) and there were significant differences in marital status (P = 0.0001), with cases more likely to be divorced or separated. Whilst being unsupported in this way was associated with caseness, being single was not. No difference was found between the two groups in relation to parenthood, either in number or age of children. There was no evidence of association between either rank or length of service and caseness. The number of cases differed significantly between the managerial divisions within the organization (P = 0.03). This finding could not be explained by differences in the response rate, age, rank, or gender pattern and may relate to differing management styles in the various divisions. Stressor analysis As shown in Table 2, cases found all organizational stressors significantly more stressful than non-cases (P ≤ 0.005), except for lack of work, which was an issue to neither group, with a median score for both groups of 1 (not at all stressful). All operational stressors were also perceived as more stressful by cases than non-cases at the conventional level of significance (P ≤ 0.05), as shown in Table 3. Whilst the median values marked in Tables 2 and 3 show clearly the greater perception of stress associated with organizational issues than operational issues and give some indication of the relative significance of particular stressors, no clear individual ranking order for those most associated with measurable ill-health is possible from these data. This was examined firstly by comparison of the individual Z-value given by the statistical test. It is notable that the top 13 stressors derived by this means are all organizational issues and are shown in descending order of significance in Table 2. Secondly, in order to determine which combination of stressors best predicted which individuals were cases Table 1. Basic data (percentage) for cases and non-cases Non-case Case Total Years of service <2 2–4 5–9 10–19 20–29 30+ Total Mann–Whitney test 37 (7) 65 (13) 73 (14) 183 (36) 150 (29) 4 (1) 512 Z = –1.61 15 (4) 41 (11) 44 (12) 142 (40) 113 (32) 2 (1) 357 P = 0.11 52 (6) 106 (12) 117 (13) 325 (37) 263 (30) 6 (1) 869 Rank Constable Sergeant Total Fisher’s test 408 (80) 104 (20) 512 P = 0.67 289 (81) 68 (19) 357 697 (80) 172 (20) 869 69 (19) 64 (18) 52 (15) 55 (16) 54 (15) 41 (12) 13 (4) 6 (2) 354 P = 0.03 141 (18) 139 (16) 114 (13) 179 (21) 135 (16) 109 (13) 32 (4) 11 (1) 860 272 (76) 85 (24) 357 693 (80) 176 (20) 869 Division Eastern 72 (14) Western 75 (15) Northern 62 (12) Southern 124 (25) Traffic & Operations 81 (16) Criminal Investigation 68 (13) Criminal Justice 19 (4) Headquarters 5 (1) Total 506 df = 7 χ2 = 15.33 Sex Male Female Total Fisher’s test 421 (82) 91 (18) 512 P = 0.03 n = 873. Where one or more variable is missing they have been omitted from the table. and which were not, a forward stepwise logistic regression was carried out, using the numerical answers to the stressor questions as possible predictors. The seven stressors that were significantly predictive of being a case are given in Table 4 in order of importance. Five of the seven are organizational stressors, including the two most significant, which stand out very clearly in the marked degree of statistical significance: ‘demands of work impinging on home’ and ‘not enough support from superior officers’. Despite only reaching a median score within cases of ‘slightly stressful’, two operational stressors were found to be of significant predictive importance: dealing with a drunk and feeling at risk of exposure to HIV/hepatitis B infection. Life events Eleven of the 12 life stressors were perceived as significantly more stressful by cases than non-cases (P < 0.05), despite a lack of significant difference in the levels of exposure to life stressors between the two groups. 260 OCCUPATIONAL MEDICINE Table 2. Comparison of organizational stressor scores between cases and non-cases Median score Organizational stressor Cases Non-cases Zb P Demands of work impinging on homea Lack of consultation/communicationa Not enough support from senior officersa Working long hours Pressure to get resultsa Urgent requests preventing completion of planned worka Not enough control over work Deadlines/time pressuresa Too much worka Paperworka Subject to complaints investigation Working shiftsa Working unpredictable hours Not enough support from fellow officers Recalled when off duty Slow career progression Not enough scope for initiative Uncertainty about house move Not enough work 4 3 4 3 3 3 3 4 3 4 2 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 3 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 –9.5 –9.1 –8.9 –8.6 –8.2 –8.2 –8.2 –8.1 –7.9 –7.6 –7.1 –7.1 –7.1 –5.8 –5.4 –5.3 –4.3 –2.8 –1.1 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 0.00001 0.005 0.28 a Overall population median score = 3 (‘fairly stressful’). b Z-value from the Mann–Whitney test. Table 3. Comparison of operational stressor scores between cases and non-cases Median score Operational stressor Cases Non-cases Za P Dealing with someone who is drunk Verbal aggression from the public Having to use force to restrain Physical aggression from the public Answering call for officer assistance Dealing with a drug addict High-speed driving Attending a domestic dispute Searching for a missing person Giving evidence in court Adult victim of violence or abuse Attending a serious road traffic accident Being at risk of hepatitis or AIDS Administering first aid Interview suspect of serious crime Crowd control or riot duty Attending a sudden death Child victim of violence or abuse Informing a relative of a death 2 2 2 3 3 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 –6.4 –6.3 –6.1 –5.7 –5.7 –5.6 –5.4 –5.2 –4.4 –4.2 –4.0 –3.8 –3.7 –3.4 –3.2 –2.7 –2.7 –2.3 –1.9 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 <0.000001 0.00001 0.00002 0.00008 0.0002 0.0002 0.0007 0.001 0.006 0.008 0.02 0.05 a Z-value from the Mann–Whitney test. Personality constraints Whilst it should be noted that using an extract of the Eysenck inventory would undoubtedly have reduced the validity of personality assessment, analysis of personality constraints revealed that the two groups have very different constraint patterns (P ≤ 0.001 for five out of the six questions). Cases believe themselves to be tense or nervous individuals by nature, with a tendency to worry about things in general and in particular about mistakes or things they feel they should not have done or could have done better. The only issue where no difference was found between the groups was in the tendency to stop and think things over before making a decision, which was common to all and may relate to the legal exactness required of police work. Given the increased proportion of female cases, the P. A. COLLINS AND A. C. C. GIBBS: STRESS IN POLICE OFFICERS 261 Table 4. Significant stressors predictive of caseness in the logistic regression Question χ 2 Demands of work impinging on home 19.81 Not enough support from senior officers 16.23 Dealing with someone who is drunk 10.99 Subject to a complaints investigation 8.78 Being at risk of hepatitis or AIDS 8.00 Not enough control over work 7.99 Urgent requests preventing planned work 5.36 Table 5. Association between personality traits and gender Male (%) df P 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 <0.00001 0.00006 0.0009 0.003 0.005 0.005 0.02 association between personality constraints and gender was also examined. However, as can be seen in Table 5, the evidence for any association is mixed, reaching statistical significance in only 50% of traits. Moderating behavioural patterns The majority of behavioural patterns were significantly different between the two groups (P ≤ 0.006). Cases appear to respond to feeling stressed with negative/ withdrawal behaviour patterns of working harder, taking work home and keeping things to themselves, rather than taking breaks, delegating to others, or talking to colleagues. Cases were less likely to use exercise to release tension and smokers likely to increase their consumption, with some non-smokers seeming to be prepared to adopt the habit. Cases were also more likely to take their stress out on colleagues or the public. Female (%) Pa Would you say you are a tense or nervous person by nature? Yes 103 (15) 32 (18) 0.30 No 587 (85) 145 (82) Do you often worry about things you should not have done or said, or things you feel you could have done better? Yes 474 (69) 135 (76) 0.05 No 215 (31) 42 (24) Do you tend to stop to think things over before doing anything? Yes 592 (86) 143 (83) 0.28 No 95 (14) 30 (17) Has your mood always tended to go up and down a lot? Yes 166 (24) 55 (31) 0.07 No 524 (76) 122 (69) Does it worry you if you know there are mistakes in your work? Yes 584 (85) 163 (92) 0.01 No 106 (15) 14 (8) Are you a worrier? Yes 292 (42) 105 (60) <0.0001 No 397 (58) 69 (40) a Fisher’s test. Table 6. Comparison between groups—job perception Job perception Job perception was significantly more negative for cases (P < 0.005), with a clear association between wishing to leave policing altogether in 55% of the high scoring group. Thirty-five per cent of non-cases also expressed a willingness to move away from policing. The findings in relation to job perception are given in Table 6. Shift pattern Although cases scored shiftwork as significantly more stressful than non-cases, there was no significant difference between the shift patterns worked by the two groups. There was therefore no evidence that working full rotating shifts (including night work), with the potential disruption of circadian rhythms, carried any increased association with mental ill-health. Discussion Despite societal and organizational change, levels of stress-related mental ill-health in police officers do not appear to have improved over the past 10 years. Indeed, from this study it would appear that proportions of officers with measurable ill-health have doubled since that time [9,10] to a level of 41%. This is well above the levels being noted in most occupational groups, but comparable with high measurable mental ill-health in managerial occupations [16] and in line with the highest levels of perceived occupational stress from the HSE Bristol study [1]. The study examined the pattern of stressors most strongly associated with symptoms of mental ill-health and confirms that the principal issues remain centred upon work structure and climate. As such, despite exposure to job-specific hazards, police officers do not differ from other occupational groups in their perception of the sources of work-related stress [17,18]. Given that this finding has been reported across continents for some years, it is interesting to consider why, despite this knowledge, the level of associated ill-health appears to have worsened rather than improved. There are a number of possible reasons for this. It may be either that 262 OCCUPATIONAL MEDICINE the message is simply not getting through to police managers, or that it is not being effectively translated into action. If the message is getting through, it may be that lack of staff to respond to increasing public demands and increasing workload is simply negating the effect of any response measures. Certainly, for the population in question, the complement of officers has been static over the past 10 years and has only recently, with political sanction, been increased. It may also be that response measures are misdirected; the main focus of stress reduction in policing over the last decade has tended to centre upon the provision of welfare support and employee assistance programmes. Whilst such measures do appear to be beneficial in reducing perceived strain in some occupational groups [19] and may, indeed, be having some effect in this population, the study shows that further action is needed. In some respects, this is perhaps predictable since these are secondary interventions designed to moderate the strain response rather than fundamentally to eliminate or reduce exposure to stressors. The findings in the current study point to a need for resources to be directed towards exploring effective means of modifying the organization of workload and improving the management climate, rather than into further medical or welfare interventions. Although the population size was large and the response rate was high, the study was performed in a relatively small county constabulary. It could be argued that in metropolitan forces, where operational exposures are likely to be far greater in both frequency and intensity and undoubtedly exposure to the only two operational issues that were predictive of caseness more common, the balance of factors provoking the stress–strain reaction may differ. However, evidence from the study of inner city police does not appear to support this. On the contrary, the findings of a study of Greater Manchester police [20], revealing the same high ranking for issues such as time pressures, poor support from senior ranks and too much paperwork, make it likely that the findings in the current study should be applicable to other police forces. A subsidiary aim of the study, using the stress model identified, was to assess personality constraints and the effect of moderating factors, providing information about areas where secondary interventions might be of greatest benefit. The apparent personality predisposition to caseness is marked, supporting the premise that the two groups are constitutionally different, either through inherent or acquired behavioural patterns. Previous evidence does support personal predisposition. As far back as 1978, Cherry [21] published data which showed that those predisposed to anxiety are more likely to report strain independent of any work factors. Since that time, much has been written, including extensive work by Davidson and Cooper [22] and by Payne [23] suggesting that this may be linked to particular personality types, notably type ‘A’, who appear more stress-prone. It is possible that an increased proportion of particular personality types may enter police employment, both by self-selection and by recruitment selection. Type A personalities, for example, are likely to be attractive to police forces by dint of the other common characteristics they share—high levels of drive, competitiveness and achievement. It is also possible that the development of type A behaviour is positively encouraged by police culture and that some of these traits may be culturally acquired. To consider screening out these high-striving achievers, albeit potentially stress-prone, would not only be to screen out some of those with the best career potential, but would automatically exclude some 50% of the population [24] and is clearly non-viable. The only practicable means of translating this knowledge into action is to consider a behaviour modification programme to address potentially damaging styles, both inherent and acquired, for which there is some evidence of benefit [24]. Predisposition may also play a part in the finding of a significant association between female gender and mental ill-health, for which a number of reasons may be postulated. First, women may be predisposed by personality type; Davidson and Cooper [24] postulate that working women differ in personality from their non-working counterparts and that, whereas type A personality is generally less common in women than in men, this is not true of the working population. However, whilst female officers did differ significantly in their tendency to worry more, the evidence to support gender-specific personality predisposition was mixed, reaching statistical significance in only half of the traits tested. Secondly, women may report higher levels of distress because they are more ready to admit to personal difficulties [25]. Certainly, a higher proportion of females than males participated in the study and this differential reporting could influence the association if female cases in particular are more likely to respond. Thirdly, a confounding variable is present in that increased numbers of female officers—twice the percentage of their male colleagues—were divorced or separated, a status itself associated with caseness. Lastly, despite the fact that considerable effort has been put into equal opportunities training by police forces nationwide, female officers may still be exposed to additional genderspecific stressors in being treated differently both by their organization and by male colleagues [25]. A gender association has been noted in other occupational groups, with higher levels of reported strain noted in female civil servants in the Whitehall II study [26] and higher levels of suicide recently in female doctors [27]. Previous police studies have often failed conclusively to address gender patterns because of the considerable male predominance in study populations. However, current evidence shows that a proportionately higher number of female officers are retiring on the grounds of psychological illness than P. A. COLLINS AND A. C. C. GIBBS: STRESS IN POLICE OFFICERS 263 male officers [6] and it would seem that further study of female officers is indicated to explore gender issues further. Turning to moderators, the significantly more negative behaviour patterns evidenced by cases in managing their workload under strain indicate an area where stress awareness and management training may be able to impact. Whilst it is always difficult to know whether behavioural issues such as exercise, smoking and drinking provide evidence to support a need for health promotion or merely reflect the pattern of deteriorating well-being, it may be reasonable to consider life style adjustment as part of a combined programme. Evidence has been produced [28,29] to show that regular physical training can both reduce strain and improve mental well-being; this would sit well with the need for good general fitness for the physical demands of policing and the current interest in routine physical fitness assessment for police officers [30]. Although cases ranked shift work as fairly stressful, the lack of association between working any particular form of shift and caseness was interesting; shift work, which includes night duties and disrupts circadian rhythms, might have been expected to be associated with strain effects. Previous studies have shown shift work as an issue commonly identified by officers as a source of stress [9,10,31], but, as in this study, there appears to be no firm evidence of associated mental ill-health. This may, nevertheless, be an area where simple sleep hygiene advice may be considered to improve tolerance [32] and reduce subjective effects on well-being. Other interesting but inconclusive findings are raised by the study. First, it is interesting to note the absence of any simple association of increased likelihood of mental ill-health with increasing age or length of service, as might have been predicted simply by increased exposure. It is interesting to note similar findings in the Bristol study [1] and to speculate that this may be an example of the ‘survivor effect’, with those remaining in service into their later years being those who are better able to cope, but this would require further study. 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