Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
brill.com/jgl
Stress in the Absence of Morphological
Conditioning: An Experimental Investigation
of Stress in Greek Acronyms
Anthi Revithiadou*
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
[email protected]
Kalomoira Nikolou
University of the Aegean
[email protected]
Despina Papadopoulou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
[email protected]
Abstract
Greek is a morphology-dependent stress system, where stress is lexically specified for
a number of individual morphemes (e.g., roots and suffixes). In the absence of lexically
encoded stress, a default stress emerges. Most theoretical analyses of Greek stress that
assume antepenultimate stress to represent the default (e.g., Malikouti-Drachman &
Drachman 1989; Ralli & Touratzidis 1992; Revithiadou 1999) are not independently
confirmed by experimental studies (e.g., Protopapas et al. 2006; Apostolouda 2012;
Topintzi & Kainada 2012; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press). Here, we explore the nature
of the default stress in Greek with regard to acronyms, given their lack of overt morphol-
* We wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers who provided useful feedback and the
audience of the icgl10 (10th International Conference on Greek Linguistics, 2011) for their
comments and suggestions, which greatly improved this article. We owe special thanks to Ed
Joycey for proof reading the article and to Alexandros Tantos for helping us with the research
on the hnc/ilsp corpus (http://hnc.ilsp.gr/en/default.asp). Kalomoira Nikolou would also
like to thank the State Scholarship Foundation of the Hellenic Republic for the financial
support of her postdoctoral research. The usual disclaimers apply.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/15699846-01502003
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
ogy and fixed stress pattern, with a goal of exploring how stress patterns are shaped
when morphological information (encapsulated in the inflectional ending) is suppressed. For this purpose, we conducted two production (reading aloud) experiments,
which revealed, for our consultants, first, an almost complete lack of antepenultimate
stress and, second, a split between penultimate and final stress dependent on acronym
length, the type of the final segment and the syllable type of the penultimate syllable.
We found two predominant correspondences: (a) consonant-final acronyms and end
stress and (b) vowel-final acronyms and the inflected word the vowel represents, the
effect being that stress patterns for acronyms are linked to the inflected words they
represent only if enough morphonological information about the acronym’s segments
is available to create familiarity effects. Otherwise, we find a tendency for speakers to
prefer stress at stem edges.
Keywords
acronyms – Greek stress – default stress – indeclinable words – familiarity – reading
aloud experiment
1
Lexically Assigned and Default Stress in Greek
Stress is not always calculated by means of a phonological rule which operates on the basis of syllable count or weight sensitivity. In lexical stress systems,
for instance, stress relies on pre-assigned information that morphemes may be
endowed with.1 Morpheme concatenation may yield, therefore, input strings
with conflicting stress properties. The actual position of primary stress is eventually determined by a grammar-specific principle (e.g., edgemostness, headedness, etc.). The examples in (1) and (2) from Russian and Greek, respectively,
are instructive. In (1b), for example, the inflectional ending /-á/ has a lexically
pre-assigned stress pronounced on the surface, unless the root itself is stressed,
as in the case of /bolót-/ in (1d); in this case the stress of the inflectional suffix
loses to the stress of the root. The same applies to the gen.pl suffix /-ón/ in the
Greek examples (2b) and (2d), respectively.
1 On this, see Bat-El (1989, 1993); van der Hulst (1999); Idsardi (1992); Halle & Idsardi (1995); for
a morphology-phonology interface account of lexical stress, see Alderete (1999, 2001a, 2001b)
and Revithiadou (1999, 2007).
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stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
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(1) Russian: Inflected neuter nouns in -o (nom.sg), -a (nom.pl)2
a. óblako /oblak-o/ ‘cloud’
b. oblaká /oblak-á/
c. bolóto /bolót-o/ ‘swamp’
d. bolóta /bolót-á/
(2) Greek: Inflected feminine nouns in -a (nom.sg), -on (gen.pl)
a. mélisa /melis-a/ ‘bee’
b. melisón /melis-ón/
c. selíða /selíð-a/ ‘page’
d. selíðon /selíð-ón/
Importantly, the language-specific elsewhere or default stress pattern arises
when no input stress is present. The default stress is initial in Russian (1a)
and antepenultimate in Greek (2a). However, the question of which pattern
represents the default is far from trivial and is one which has instigated lengthy
discussions in the literature. For instance, both initial stress (Halle 1973, 1997;
Kiparsky & Halle 1977; Melvold 1990, among others), and post-stem stress
(Alderete 1999, 2001a, 2001b) have been proposed to represent the default
in theoretical analyses of Russian accentuation. On the other hand, a series
of nonce-probe experiments (Nikolaeva 1971; Crosswhite, Alderete, Beasley &
Markman 2003) revealed that Russian speakers’ productions favored stem-final
stress, however, in sharp contrast with the findings of recent experimental
studies (Andreev 2004; Fainleib 2008; Lavitskaya & Kabak 2011a, 2011b, 2014)
according to which penultimate stress is the default.
Similarly in Greek, theoretical analyses assume antepenultimate3 stress to
be the phonological default (Malikouti-Drachman & Drachman 1989; Ralli &
Touratzidis 1992; Revithiadou 1999, 2007; Burzio & Tantalou 2007, among others), whereas experimental studies on stress assignment in pseudowords indicate penultimate stress as the speakers’ preferred output pattern at least in certain classes of nouns (Protopapas et al. 2006; Apostolouda 2012; Revithiadou et
al. 2012, 2013; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press). It is evident, therefore, that there
is more to be discovered about the phonological aspect of lexical stress systems.
A great deal of confusion in the literature results from the fact that the pattern that represents the non-lexically inflicted stress represents the predictable
2 The following abbreviations are used in the text: apu: antepenultimate (stress), c: consonant, fem: feminine, fn: footnote, gen: genitive, masc: masculine, nom: nominative, pu:
penultimate (stress), pl: plural, sd: Standard Deviation, sg: singular, u: ultimate (stress), voc:
vocative, v: vowel.
3 But see Apoussidou (2011) who claims that the default in Greek is final.
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
aspect of the stress system, commonly known as the phonological default, and
the pattern that arises as the most preferred or frequent stress choice in the
speakers’ productions, dubbed here the dynamic default, are often seen as two
sides of the same coin. In this article, we take a different stance and claim
that they do not necessarily coincide. We explore this question in a group of
uninflected words, namely acronyms. These constructions are chosen because
they allow us to examine how stress is assigned when: (a) morphology is at
its weakest, i.e., when information on the position of stress carried out by
inflectional markers is not available to the speaker, and (b) whatever is left, i.e.,
the stem, has an unspecified stress pattern.
For this purpose, we designed and conducted two production experiments
using acronyms as experimental stimuli. Acronym constructions are created by
extracting parts from the beginning of words that belong to the same phrase.
With the exception of very frequent and hence familiar acronyms (e.g., [ðeí]
/ðimósia epixírisi ilektrismú/ ‘Public Power Corporation’, [oté] /orɣanismós
tilepikinonión eláðos/ ‘Hellenic Telecommunications Organization’, etc.),
which have an established stress pattern, acronyms are indeclinable words with
non-fixed stress. Hence, they constitute an ideal case study for investigating
how stress surfaces in suffixless words with no inherent information on the
position of stress.
The main question that we advance and aim at answering here is whether
the Greek speakers will engage the phonological default or a special, stressencoding mechanism when confronted with decisions on stress, especially
when the lexical items in question are of low frequency or novel words. Since
as infants, speakers of systems with rich stress contrasts are forced to build
more elaborate representations of stress in their Mental Lexicon, they are
expected to rely on these representations when assigning stress (see the Stress
Deafness Hypothesis, Peperkamp & Dupoux 2002; Dupoux & Peperkamp 2002;
Peperkamp 2004, et seq., proposed for l2 acquisition). Second, we also explore
which stress pattern represents the dynamic default, that is, the speakers’ most
favored stress choice.
2
Acronym Words
Acronymic constructions are very productive and common in everyday use. In
contrast to the vast majority of Greek vocabulary, acronyms lack overt inflection4 and have flexible, often indeterminate, stress. The latter characteristic dis4 Only highly frequent ones, felt as common words, e.g., δ.ε.η. [ðeí] and ο.τ.ε. [oté] noted above,
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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191
tinguishes them from place names, loanwords and brand names (e.g., Ámsterdam, Gúcci, Ázax, etc.) in which stress is fixed on a specific syllable. Acronyms
have received little attention in linguistic studies (see, however, McCully &
Holmes 1988; Bat-El 1994, 2000; Andreev 2004; Fandrych 2008), since they have
been considered to fall outside the scope of Grammar proper (Zwicky & Pullum 1987; Dressler & Karpf 1994; Dressler & Merlini Barbaresi 1994, and references cited therein) and to be part of extragrammatical morphology. BatEl (2000) justly points out that Hebrew acronyms are consistent with the
phonology of the language and, moreover, they demonstrate a more unmarked
structure in terms of syllable structure and size compared to native Hebrew
words.
Anastassiadis-Symeonidis (1986) considers acronymic constructions in
Greek, together with various types of initialisms (e.g., k.k.e. [kápa kápa épsilon] /komunistikó kóma eláðos/ ‘Communist Party of Greece’, α.φ.μ. [á fí mí]
/ariθmós foroloɣikú mitróu/ ‘Tax Identification Number’), to be instances of
word creation (see also Booij 2005).5 Acronyms are constructed by extracting
a portion of the initial syllable in a string of words that belong to the same
nominal phrase and by linearly arranging these bits and pieces of segmental
structure in order to form a new word (Vazou 2004; Vazou & Xydopoulos 2007;
Nikolou 2010).6 More specifically, acronym words can be formed: (a) by copying the initial segment of the constituent words (3a), (b) by copying parts of the
initial syllables that are the size of a closed or an open syllable (3b), and (c) by
both the above ways (3c):
have fixed stress and may be inflected, e.g., pliromí ðeís ‘payment of the dei(gen)/Electricity
bill’, páo na ta akoubíso se otéðes, kártes … ‘I’m going to cough up money (owed) to ote(pl),
credit cards, …’. In this case, however, the acronym is stylistically highly marked.
5 See Valeontis (2003); Anastassiadis-Symeonidis (1986); Anastassiadis-Symeonidis & Fliatouras (2004) for information on the lexicographic status of acronyms and the factors that may
force them to assimilate in the native vocabulary via suffixation.
6 Drachman & Malikouti-Drachman (2012) provide an analysis of the shape and stress pattern
of Greek acronyms on the basis of the phonological and syntactic principles that are in play
in the process of their creation. Topintzi & Kainada (2012) also explore the stress pattern
of Greek acronyms on the basis of a forced-choice and a written task, and conclude that
acronyms are mainly associated with an iambic pattern due to the high preponderance of
u stress in their findings. The results of their research are discussed in detail in Section
5.
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
(3) a. [eot]
/Elinikós Orɣanismós Turismú/
b. [elta] /eliniká taxiðromía/
c. [pasok] /panelínio sosialistikó Kínima/
‘Greek Tourism
Organization’
‘Hellenic Post’
‘Panhellenic Socialist
Movement’
An immediate result of this mode of formation is that the phonotactic restrictions of the language appear to be more relaxed in acronym words (Nikolou,
Aivazoglou & Xatzinikolaou 2012; Mitsiaki 2014). For instance, acronyms may
allow illicit consonant clusters word-initially, e.g. t.σ.m.ε.δ.ε. [tsmeðe] ‘Engineers & Public Constructors Pension Fund’, or word-medially, e.g. ιν.κα. [inka]
‘Consumers Institute’, τ.α.ν.π.ι. [tanpi] ‘Nautical Agents and Officials Insurance
Fund’. The latter two examples are telling since they violate the place voicing
assimilation rule that obligatorily applies within the word, e.g. /sin-katikó/ [siŋgatikó] ‘I share an apartment’, /sin-paθó/ [simbaθó] ‘I like’. More importantly,
the rule of acronym creation yields outputs ending in a consonant other than
the ones typically licensed in word-final position (i.e., /n/, /s/), as evidenced
by the examples in (3a) and (3c). Interestingly, vowel-final acronyms often end
in a vowel that functions as morphological class marker7 in native words, e.g.
/a/ as in γ.α.δ.α. [ɣaða] ‘General Police Agency of Attika’ vs. γάζ-α [ɣáza] ‘gauze
sponge-nom.sg’, or in a vowel that is not associated with a particular class, e.g.
ο.τ.ε. [ote] ‘Hellenic Telecommunications Company’.8 We show below that this
difference proves to be relevant for the stress patterns attested in acronym constructions.
Regarding their size, Greek acronyms are mostly one to two syllables long.
Trisyllabic acronyms are less common whereas quandrisyllabic ones are scarce.
Table 1 summarizes the attested acronymic templates and distinguishes them
from the unattested ones. Curiously, trisyllabic or longer acronyms with a
closed non-final syllable are non-extant.
7 Abstracting away from technical details, in this article we take a morphological class marker
to be the vowel which determines the set of inflectional endings a particular noun is associated with. For instance, in the word [ɣáza] /ɣáz-a/ ‘gauze sponge-nom.sg’ /-a/ indicates that
the noun belongs to feminine nouns which take the following set of endings: -a, -as, -a, -es,
-on, -es.
8 The vowel e is not a common word-ending vowel in inflected nouns with the exception of
vocatives in polysyllabic proper names, e.g. Lázare ‘Lazarus-voc’ and a handful of imparisyllabic nouns which form the accusative singular in /e/, e.g. teneké ‘tin’. It does appear, however,
as a stressed French-flavored derivational suffix, e.g., floré ‘of a weird, colorful type’, kurelé ‘of
a losing type, esp. in football defeats’, as well as in loans of French origin, e.g. demodé ‘oldfashioned’, frapé ‘ice coffee’.
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stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 1
Shapes and sizes of attested and unattested acronyms
Attested acronymic templates
2σ
Unattested/rare acronymic templates
(c)v.cv
(c)vc.cv
(c)v.cvc
(c)vc.cvc
–
3σ
(c)v.(c)v.(c)v
(c)v.(c)v.(c)vc
(c)v.(c)vc.cv
(c)v.(c)vc.cvc
(c)vc.cv.(c)vc
(c)vc.cv.(c)v (rare)
4σ
–
(c)v.(c)v.(c)v.(c)v (rare)
all other syllable templates
3
193
Reading Aloud Experiment 1
The purpose of the first experiment is to investigate the stress patterns of Greek
acronyms and explore the factors that control stress assignment in such inflectionless constructions. For this purpose, we designed and conducted a reading
aloud experiment. In this section, we present the methodology we applied and
report on the major experimental findings. The discussion addresses the contribution of both intra-grammatical factors (e.g., size and syllable structure of
the acronym, syllable type of penultimate syllable) and extra-grammatical factors, such as the age and the education of our speakers and their familiarity to
the tested material, in the shaping of the results.
3.1
Methodology
3.1.1
Participants
Fifty-two native speakers of Greek (29 females and 23 males) participated voluntarily in the reading aloud task. All participants were adults classified into
five age groups: (a) 19 participants belonged to the 18–29 age group, (b) 19 participants belonged to the 30–39 age group, (c) 7 participants belonged to the
40–49 age group, (d) 5 participants belonged to the 50–59 age group, and (e) 2
participants were above 60 years old. The educational level of the participants
ranged from secondary to graduate school (1 participant had a gymnasium/secondary school diploma, 20 had a lyceum/upper secondary school diploma, 2
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
had a diploma from a Technological Educational Institute, 23 had a University
level education, 5 were a ma degree holders and 1 was a postgraduate degree
holder).
3.1.2
Materials
The experimental material consisted of a corpus of 135 Greek acronyms which
included both frequent (e.g., [ðei] ‘Public Power Corporation’, [ote] ‘Hellenic
Telecommunications Organization’, [ipa] ‘United States of America’) and relatively uncommon acronyms (e.g., [iove] ‘Foundation of Economical and Industrial Research’, [ðoatap] ‘National Academic Recognition Information Center’). They were all two to four syllables long: 103 disyllabic (of the shape:
(ccc)v.(c)v, (c)vc.cv, (c)v.(cc)vc(c), (c)vc.cvc), 30 trisyllabic (of the shape:
(c)v.(c)v.(c)v, (c)v.(c)v.(c)vc) and 2 quadrisyllabic (of the shape: v.cv.(c)v.(c)v) were used in the experimental material. 75 experimental items ended
in vowels and 60 items ended in consonants. We collected 7020 data points
in total which were, consequently, codified according to speaker, word size,
stress pattern and familiarity. The items used in the questionnaire are listed
in Appendix a.
3.1.3
Procedure
The experiment took place in a quiet room, where the participants were individually tested by the second author. The participants were given a typed sheet
with a list of acronyms. They were instructed to read out each acronym in the
list. The acronyms were written in capital letters with each letter or sequence of
letters being separated by a dot as dictated by the Greek orthography. An advantage of this notation is that it does not require the presence of the diacritic
for stress, which is obligatory in all other words that are written in lower case;
compare γ.α.δ.α. [ɣaða] ‘General Police Agency of Attika’ versus γάλα [ɣála]
‘milk-nom.sg’. The experimental items were presented in a non-alphabetical
order. Moreover, the participants were asked to give a judgment (in the form
of a yes/no answer) on the familiarity status of each acronym they produced.
There was no time restriction for the completion of the task but most participants completed it in less than 20 minutes. The stress responses were recorded
with the help of a Marantz pmd661 digital recorder and a Sennheiser e-901
microphone. The recordings were independently rated by three native speakers of Greek; two ma students at the Department of Linguistics and the first
author. The raters’ judgments were in total agreement regarding both the location of stress and the segmental production of the items. A stressed syllable was
unequivocally heard as stressed by all raters. The participants’ stress responses
were subsequently codified in an excel worksheet by the experimenter (i.e., the
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stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 2
195
Overall stress pattern of acronyms
Stress pattern
Ultimate
Penultimate
Antepenultimate
Sum
Percentages Raw numbers
69.30
30.66
0.04
100
4864
2152
3
7020
second author of this article); in particular, score “1” was assigned to ultimate
stress responses, score “2” to penultimate stress responses and score “3” to antepenultimate stress responses.
3.2
Results
The first experimental procedure resulted in 7020 stressed acronyms (135 acronyms × 52 participants). Table 29 demonstrates the overall stress pattern
attested in the data assembled.
As shown in Table 2, the participants preferred to assign stress to the ultimate (u) rather than to the penultimate (pu) syllable, whereas stress on the
antepenultimate (apu) was practically unattested (only 3 out of 7020 responses). Importantly, the difference among the stress responses is statistically significant (χ2(2) = 5072.229, p = .000), whereas the responses involving u
stress are significantly more frequent than those involving pu (χ2(1) = 1048.310,
p = .000) and apu stress (χ2(1) = 4855.007, p = .000). Similarly, the pu productions outnumbered the apu ones in a statistically significant manner (χ2(1) =
2143.017, p = .000). It is curious, therefore, that apu, the pattern that is taken
to represent the phonological default by most analyses of Greek stress,10 is
severely under-represented in the data at hand. We are, therefore, once again
thrown back on the original question regarding the stress pattern that best represents the dynamic default stress in Greek. There is no doubt that apu stress
falls short of what we have anticipated but still we need to look more carefully
into the data to absolutely secure the premise of this assumption.
Multiple linear regression analyses were performed on the data set in order
to explore whether any of the independent factors tested affected the depen9
10
The frequencies, the mean scores and the sds depending on the size of the acronym and
the final segment are given in Appendix b.
See Malikouti-Drachman & Drachman (1989); Ralli & Touratzidis (1992); Drachman &
Malikouti-Drachman (1999); Revithiadou (1999, 2007); Burzio & Tantalou (2007).
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
dent factor, namely the way the participants stressed the acronyms. The independent factors were either intra-grammatical, such as the size of the acronym,
the syllable type (open or closed) in final and pre-final position, or extragrammatical, such as the participants’ age, education and, importantly, their
familiarity with the acronyms tested. The regression analysis revealed that all
grammatical factors were predictive of the participants’ stress performance
(adjusted r2 = .242; f(6,7012) = 374.094, p = .000). Specifically, the size of the
acronyms was found to have an effect on stress (β = -0.200, p = .000) since u
stress is more likely to be assigned to longer acronyms. The type of syllable in
final position was also found to significantly influence stress (β = .450, p = .000),
since C(onsonant)-ending acronyms (i.e., cvc#) were found to be more often
stressed on the u compared to V(owel)-ending ones (i.e., cv#). Additionally,
a closed penultimate (cvc.cv) is more likely to attract stress than an open one
(cv.cv) (β = -.089, p = .000). Turning to the extra-grammatical factors, we found
that none exercised an effect on stress responses (p > .1) leading us to safely conclude that only intra-grammatical factors can influence the position of stress in
acronyms.
In what follows, we examine more thoroughly the factors that affect the
position of stress in Greek acronym constructions. We begin by focusing on
the grammatical factors and, especially, on the role the size of the acronym and
the type of its final syllable have on stress. We also examine the quality of the
final segment, with particular emphasis on vowels and especially those that
also correspond to morphological class markers, in order to scoop out possible
morphological factors that covertly influence the shaping of the results. The
investigation of intra-grammatical factors is rounded off with an examination
of the type of pu syllable (i.e. open vs. closed) as a controlling factor for stress.
The extra-grammatical variable of familiarity is discussed at the end of this
section.
3.2.1
Type of Final Segment and Size of Acronym
The multiple regression analyses revealed that the final segment and the size of
the acronym influenced stress. Therefore, we examine separately the stress patterns of acronyms ending in consonants from those ending in vowels. Within
each category, we also address the impact of word-size.
Acronyms ending in consonants manifest an overwhelming preference for
u stress:
As shown in Figure 1, the difference among the stress responses was significant (χ2(2) = 4817.554, p = .000); there were significantly more u than pu
responses (χ2(1) = 2174.733, p = .000) More specifically, a clear preference for
u stress was particularly observed in disyllabic (χ2(1) = 1629.440, p = .000) and
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stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
figure 1
197
Stress pattern of c-ending acronyms.
Note: the values shown on all figures represent percentages. 2σ & 3σ: u: 2861, pu: 257,
apu: 1; 2σ: u: 2290, pu: 254; 3σ: u: 571, pu: 3, apu: 1.
trisyllabic (χ2(1) = 562.063, p = .000) c-ending acronyms. It should be noted
that that the size of the acronym also had a significant effect in determining
the position of stress, as u stress was more robust in three- rather than in
two-syllable long acronyms of this category (χ2(1) = 55.435, p = .000; Cramer’s v
= .133, Contingency Coefficient = .132, η2 = .133).
Turning now to v-ending acronyms, Figure 2 demonstrates that u stress is
again the most favored response by our speakers.
It is evident from the statistical analyses that there are significant differences
among the stress responses (χ2(2) = 1948.491, p = .000). This is because the
apu responses are significantly fewer than the u (χ2(1) = 1997.008, p = .000)
and the pu ones (χ2(1) = 1889.008, p = .000). However, the difference between
the u and the pu replies fails to approach significance (χ2(1) = 2.992, p =
.084). Interestingly, the number of syllables seems to influence stress in v-final
acronyms (χ2(2) = 417.970, p = .000; Cramer’s v = .327, Contingency Coefficient
= .311, η2 = .327), because disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic acronyms
display different stress preferences. More specifically, two-syllable acronyms
manifest a significant preference for pu over u stress (χ2(1) = 81.681, p = .000),
whereas the reverse pattern is attested in trisyllabic acronyms (χ2(1) = 337.999,
p = .000). On the other hand, the difference between the u and pu replies
was found to be non-significant in quadrisyllabic acronyms (p >.1). Since word
size is not a factor determining the position of stress crosslinguistically, the
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198
figure 2
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Stress pattern for v-ending acronyms.
Note: 2σ & 3σ & 4σ: u: 2003, pu: 1895, apu: 2; 2σ: u: 1165, pu: 1644; 3σ: u: 781, pu: 204,
apu: 2; 4σ: u: 57, pu: 47.
differences observed among acronyms of diverse sizes must be further looked
into. This task is undertaken in the following section, where we consider the
quality of the final vowel as a possible variable for determining the position of
stress.
3.2.2
Type of Final Vowel in v-Ending Acronyms
Table 3 illustrates the stress patterns associated with a particular final vowel in
the disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic acronyms used in our experimental
task.
There is an uneven distribution of stress patterns across the various cells.
This is confirmed statistically, since the type of vowel was found to significantly
hinge on the stress responses (χ2(3) = 605.387, p = .000; Cramer’s v = .394, Contingency Coefficient = .367, η2 = 394). Zooming in each final vowel separately,
we observe that disyllabic and quadrisyllabic acronyms ending in the vowel a
exhibit a significant preference for pu stress (χ2 = 147.696, p = .000), whereas trisyllabic ones show the reverse pattern, i.e. a preference for u stress (χ2 = 16.313,
p = .000). Likewise, disyllabic acronyms ending in i manifest a significant preference for pu stress (χ2 = 18.085, p = .000) which turns into a significant preference
for u stress in trisyllabic ones (χ2 = 144.231, p = .000). The pu responses are also
significantly more frequent in disyllabic acronyms ending in o (χ2 = 262.167, p =
.000). This difference, however, is neutralized in three-syllable-long acronyms
(p > .1).
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 3
Stress patterns per final vowel/number of syllables (percentages and raw numbers)
Stress a#
2σ
3σ
4σ
o#
2σ
3σ
u
pu
apu
sum
62.30 % (162)
37.32 % (97)
0.38 % (1)
100 % (260)
9.62 % (5)
90.38 % (47)
–
100 % (52)
4.17 % (13)
95.83 % (299)
–
100 % (312)
57.69 % (30)
40.39 (21)
1.92 % (1)
100 % (52)
Stress e#
2σ
3σ
4σ
i#
2σ
3σ
u
pu
apu
sum
84.01 % (436)
15.99 % (83)
–
100 % (519)
100 % (52)
0 % (0)
–
100 % (52)
40.17 % (188)
59.83 % (280)
–
100 % (468)
98.08 % (153)
1.92 % (3)
–
100 % (156)
table 4
30.67 % (303)
69.33 % (685)
–
100 % (988)
63.50 % (661)
36.50 % (380)
–
100 % (1041)
Stress preference in v-ending acronyms according to the type of the final vowel
Type of final
vowel
Stress preference hierarchy
in 2σ (& 4σ) acronyms
Stress preference hierarchy
in 3σ acronyms
a
o
i
e
pu > u
pu > u
pu > u
u > pu
u > pu (> apu)
u = pu (> apu)
u > pu
u > pu
In stark contrast to the aforementioned vowels, e-ending acronyms show a
strong preference for u stress in disyllabic (χ2 = 75.851, p = .000), trisyllabic (χ2
= 240.094 p = .000) and quadrisyllabic acronyms, in which pu responses are
virtually absent. The oddity of this result fades away if one takes into consideration that e, unlike the other vowels, is not a common word-ending vowel
in inflected words (see fn. 8). In this sense, it contrasts with the vowels a, o,
i, which can by analogy be construed as class markers in inflected/declinable
words. We return to this issue in more detail in Section § 3.4. Table 4 summarizes how stress preferences are shaped in our findings according to the quality
of the final vowel.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
200
figure 3
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Type of pu in c-ending acronyms.
Note: pu (cv): u: 2717, pu: 245, apu: 1; pu (cvc): u: 144, pu: 12.
3.2.3
Syllable Type of pu
Since the multiple regression analyses showed that the syllabic structure of
the pu influenced stress, we further examined this effect in c- and v-ending
acronyms separately. Figure 3 illustrates the stress responses in acronyms ending in consonants with the pu being open and closed.
The data and the statistical analysis clearly show that c-ending acronyms
show a preference for u stress independently of the syllable type of the pu (p
>.1).
The picture, however, is totally different in acronyms ending in vowels, as
illustrated in Figure 4.
Here the type of the pu significantly affected the stress responses (χ2(1) =
191.893, p = .000; Cramer’s v = .184, Contingency Coefficient = .181, η2 = .184),
in that a closed pu attracted stress more frequently than an open one. This
is a surprising finding if one takes into consideration the quantity-insensitive
character of the Greek stress system. One could take this result, however, as
evidence for the existence of acronym-specific phonology comparable to the
Sezer stem-stress in Turkish (Sezer 1981, Inkelas & Orgun 1998, Inkelas 1999,
Inkelas & Orgun 2003 but see Kabak & Vogel 2001 for a different treatment).
Although this issue is broader, given that acronyms do in fact have special
phonotactics, we discard such a scenario for two reasons: First, phonotactics
in acronyms and other indeclinable elements are more relaxed than in the
native vocabulary (Nikolou, Aivazoglou & Xatzinikolaou 2012; Mitsiaki 2014)
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
figure 4
201
Type of pu in v-ending acronyms.
Note: pu (cv): u: 1879, pu: 1551, apu: 2; pu (cvc): u: 124, pu: 344.
but not typologically different in the sense that no new sounds or syllable
types are introduced. This entails that sub-phonologies are somewhat deviant
but still congruent with the general phonological grammar. Weight-sensitivity,
therefore, does not fall into this pattern. Second, the attraction of stress by a
closed pu is not as forceful as other morphophonological factors such as the
type of final segment and word size, as we see in more detail in the ensuing
sections.
3.2.4
Interim Summary
To sum up the discussion so far, c-ending acronyms show a compelling preference for u stress, a pattern which is less robustly shared by the v-ending
acronyms. In fact, the results in the latter category suggest that final stress is
affected by the size of the acronym. Nevertheless, we cannot rule out at this
point the possibility that the type of final vowel may also be a determining
factor in stress assignment. With the exception of e, the ending vowels of our
experimental items function as class markers in inflected words and, as such,
they may covertly release information on the position of stress. An unexpected
result was that the type of pu significantly affected the responses in v-ending
acronyms only.
To conclude, v-ending acronyms present a more obscure stress behavior
compared to c-ending ones, a difference that certainly calls for a closer inspection and naturally for an explanation.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
3.3
Familiarity as a Factor Determining the Position of Stress
The design of the experiment aimed at exploring whether the age, the level of
education and the familiarity of the speaker with the experimental stimuli were
actively involved in determining the position of stress. As mentioned above, our
results indicate that none of these extra-grammatical factors have any bearing
on the position of stress in acronym constructions. Here, however, we look into
familiarity in more detail in order to detect any differences in the stress pattern
of familiar and unfamiliar acronyms, as it has been suggested to be at play in
stress assignment in Russian acronyms (Andreev 2004).
Andreev (2004) takes acronyms to be non-natural words in the sense that
they are created at a given point in the history of language but lack a historical
development analogous to the one that characterizes native words. However,
within the pool of acronyms he proposes that one can still draw a distinction
between those that are alien/unfamiliar to the speakers and those that are
familiar or very familiar and frequent. He proposes that familiarity influences
stress in the sense that acronyms which are familiar to the speaker often exhibit
stress patterns analogous to the ones found in native words. Furthermore,
he reports that Russian unfamiliar acronyms as well as initialisms, e.g. m.k.x
[emkaxá] ‘Moscow Municipal Department’—drawn from spontaneous speech
data—mainly display u stress regardless of whether they end in a vowel or a
consonant. In sharp contrast, nonce words and familiar acronyms ending in a
vowel show a strong tendency for pu stress. For instance, the word [emkáxa]
as a nonce word is assigned pu stress, whereas as an acronym surfaces with u
stress.
On the basis of Andreev’s findings for Russian, we advance the hypothesis
that the less familiar a lexical item is the more likely it is to exhibit u stress.
In order to explore whether familiarity has an impact on the development of
stress patterns in Greek acronyms, we took into consideration our speakers’
familiarity judgments on the experimental stimuli. In particular, we divided the
acronyms we tested into two categories, highly familiar and highly unfamiliar.
All acronyms that have been judged by our participants as familiar at a rate
of 70% and above have been included in the highly familiar category, whereas
those that have been judged as unfamiliar at a rate of 35 % and below have been
considered as highly unfamiliar.11
In the category of c-final acronyms (60 items), 36 items have been included
in the category ‘highly familiar’ and 11 have been judged as ‘highly unfamiliar’.
The u and the pu responses for each group of items are presented in Table 5.12
11
12
The entire list with the highly familiar and unfamiliar items is provided in Appendix c.
In the analyses with respect to familiarity effects, the number of syllables was not taken
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 5
203
Familiarity effects on stress in c-final
acronyms (percentages and raw
numbers)
c-final acronyms
Familiar
Unfamiliar
u stress
pu stress
91% (1704) 9% (168)
95% (545) 5% (27)
Acronyms ending in a consonant exhibit a strong preference for u stress as
already shown and discussed above. The new finding is that familiarity does
have a significant impact on the stress responses in the expected direction:
there were significantly more u responses in the unfamiliar acronyms than
in the familiar ones (χ2(1) = 10.799, p = .001; Cramer’s v = .066, Contingency
Coefficient = .066, η2 = .066).
Given that the v-final acronyms exhibited a varied stress behavior (see Tables
3 & 4), familiarity in this group was explored separately for each type of final
vowel. Acronyms ending in i and o were not included in the statistical analyses
because only one highly unfamiliar acronym was attested in each group. From
the 31 acronyms ending in e only 4 items were regarded as unfamiliar, whereas
18 were judged as highly familiar. Table 6 shows the stress responses on the basis
of familiarity.
The figures in Table 6 clearly show and the statistical analysis confirmed that
familiarity did not have an effect on the way the participants stressed these
acronyms (p > .1). The u preference is robust both for the familiar and the
unfamiliar items.
The highly unfamiliar acronyms ending in a were also very few. Out of 25
items only 3 were judged as highly unfamiliar and 20 as highly familiar.
Interestingly, the data in Table 7 indicate that the pu responses were significantly enhanced in the unfamiliar items (χ2(1) = 40.513, p = .000; Cramer’s v
= .214, Contingency Coefficient = .209, η2 = .214). Hence, it seems that familiarity affected the stress responses but in the opposite direction from the one
expected. There is, therefore, an important difference between acronyms ending in a and those ending in e or in a consonant that is addressed in the following section.
into account due to the small number of unfamiliar items. Moreover, the apu responses
were not analyzed either due to their very low occurrence.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
204
table 6
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Familiarity effects on stress in e-ending
acronyms (percentages and raw numbers)
e-ending acronyms
Familiar
Unfamiliar
table 7
u stress
pu stress
72% (635) 28% (249)
71% (148) 29% (60)
Familiarity effects in a-ending acronyms
(percentages and raw numbers)
a-ending acronyms
Familiar
Unfamiliar
u stress
pu stress
31% (228) 69% (500)
6% (10) 94% (146)
To conclude, the results of the experimental task suggest that familiarity is not
a significant variable for determining stress in Greek acronyms. However, the
elevated percentage of u stress in unfamiliar c-ending acronyms should not
be downplayed especially given the fact that they exhibit a more stable stress
behavior compared to v-ending acronyms. In the following section, we put all
the different pieces of information so far together in order to obtain a more
comprehensible picture of how stress is shaped in the absence of overt suffixal
morphology.
3.4
Discussion
The results of the first experiment give a significant advantage to u stress
for c-final, e-final, and trisyllabic (c- and v-ending) acronyms. The common
denominator in all three types of acronym words is that they release strong
cues of their inflectionless nature. Given that native Greek words license mostly
the vowels a, i, o and u and the consonants n and s word-finally, acronyms
ending in any other vowel or in a consonant are inevitably perceived as bare
stems. It remains an open question as to why trisyllabic v-final acronyms show
such a strong preference for u stress. At this point we can only contemplate
that their fairly simple syllable structure could release subtle signals about
their non-typical word status. Furthermore, several of the trisyllabic v-ending
acronyms used in the study happened to end in e which, as argued above, is
a stress magnet. We return to this issue in Section 4.3. To conclude, u stress
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
205
is associated with acronyms that are easier to be identified as indeclinable
(stem-only) words.
The situation is more complicated with disyllabic v-ending acronyms. Here
the type of final vowel seems to be closely associated with a specific stress pattern. We have established that pu stress is the preferred output stress pattern in
acronyms ending in a, o and i. This is not coincidental, however. Such acronyms
look more like native words in terms of syllable structure and word size, and
thus exude less clear cues of their acronym status. More importantly, they end
in vowels that normally function as class markers in inflected words. Consequently, they are likely to instigate stress frequencies from the Lexicon which
are associated with the corresponding class markers. A series of recent studies
(Apostolouda et al. 2011; Apostolouda 2012; Revithiadou et al. 2012, 2013; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press) have shown that in the production and perception of
nonce words of particular morphological classes speakers replicate quite faithfully the patterned frequencies of the Lexicon for these classes.13 It could well
be the case, therefore, that the internalized knowledge of the stress patterns of
the Lexicon is reflected in the speakers’ productions, especially if one takes into
account that disyllabic inflected nouns in a and o are largely stressed on the pu
syllable.14
There is no doubt that the phonological default, that is, the pattern that
has been argued to arise in the absence of lexical stress, is highly underrepresented in our data, especially if one focuses on the stress behavior of
trisyllabic acronyms.
Importantly, familiarity, as a potential variable for stress, seems to exercise
a noticeable effect only on c-final acronyms. Unfamiliar acronyms display
a higher preference for u stress thus confirming only partially our original
hypothesis. This is to say that the variable of familiarity becomes relevant only
when the morphophonological cues for the indeclinable status of an acronym
13
14
The corpus includes inflected non-derived, non-compound words culled from the Anastassiadis-Symeonidis On-line Reverse Dictionary, http://www.greek-language.gr/
greekLang/modern_greek/tools/lexica/reverse/.
pu stress is attested in 90 % of disyllabic nouns in -a and in 73.5% of nouns in -o. Neuter
nouns in -i (-ι), however, show only 44 % of pu stress but, since we lack statistics on
the stress patterns of feminine nouns in -i (-η), we cannot draw any firm conclusions on
the possible effect of i(η)-final words on the stress pattern of i(η)-final acronyms. Four
acronyms in our study ended in i which is orthographically represented with the letter
upsilon (υ). Since no inflectional ending in Greek is spelled with an upsilon, we assume
that the orthography sidetracked the participants from any analogical correlation of the
acronym with an inflected word.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
are at their strongest. It remains an open question whether unfamiliar v-final
acronyms show a similar preference for u stress since the low percentage of the
data cannot lead us to a safe conclusion. Under the hypothesis advanced here,
the less a vowel resembles a class marker (i.e., e) the more likely it is to exhibit
u stress. This prediction appears to be only partially confirmed by our data. As
discussed above, e-ending acronyms systematically prefer final stress, a choice
which seems unaffected by the speakers’ familiarity judgments. On the other
hand, a-ending acronyms show a higher preponderance of pu stress when they
are judged as unfamiliar, contra to our prediction. The apparent incongruity of
these results cannot be fully accounted for at this point due to the lack of crucial
data. However, it fades away when these results are examined in tandem with
the findings of the second experiment, which focuses on the stress behavior of
less familiar Greek acronyms.
To recapitulate, the phonological default is highly under-represented in the
speakers’ productions. Instead, the type of final segment and the overall shape
of the acronym prove to play an important role in determining the position
of stress. Moreover, the type of final vowel is also an important factor because
certain vowels that match morphological class markers may activate specific
stress patterns in the speakers’ productions. In order to shed more light on the
latter issue, we focus on unfamiliar acronyms which were explored in a second
experiment presented in the next section.
4
Reading Aloud Experiment 215
4.1
Methodology
4.1.1
Participants
Twenty-one Greek students of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (19 females and 2 males; mean age: 18,1 years, age range: 18–19 years old) participated
in the second experiment. All of them were native speakers of Greek and naive
with respect to the purpose and scope of this research. Students were awarded
a 0.5 grade for their participation in the experiment.
4.1.2
Materials
The experimental stimuli were composed of 140 sentences, all of the svo
order. There was a gap in the subject position that was required to be filled
15
An abridged presentation of the second experiment and its results can also be found in
Nikolou, Revithiadou & Papadopoulou (2012).
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
207
with a non-frequent acronym or a pseudo-word provided next to the gap in
majuscule script. We chose acronyms that had a low frequency score in the
hnc/islp corpus,16 e.g. τ.ε.α.μ.ε.ζ. [teamez] ‘Insurance Aid Fund of Restaurant and Bakery Employees’ with a 0,0000‰ occurrence rate, o.σ.υ.π.α. [osipa]
‘Federation of Associations of Hellenic Aviation Authority’ with a 0,0002‰
rate, and so on. In our experimental items, the lowest hnc/islp rate was
0,0000‰ (e.g., τ.ε.α.μ.ε.ζ. [teamez]) whereas the highest one was 0,0044‰
(πα.σ.ε.γε.σ. [paseɣes] ‘Panhellenic Confederation of Agricultural Cooperative Unions’). The acronym πα.σο.κ. [pasok] ‘Panhellenic Socialist Movement’
held the highest score in the corpus, namely 0,4621‰ (21,727 occurrences in
47,013,924 words, period: September 1–15, 2011).
There were 60 gaps for non-frequent acronyms and 80 gaps for pseudowords/fillers. The factors our items were controlled for were: (a) the type of
final segment (consonant vs. vowel), (b) the size of the word (two- vs. threesyllable words), (c) the effect of syllable type: close vs. open penultimate syllable.
Given that there are six attested types of acronyms in Greek (depending on
size and syllable structure, see Table 1), we used 10 items for each template
and hence 60 experimental stimuli in total. There were 40 gaps for disyllabic
acronyms and 20 gaps for trisyllabic ones. These data were interspersed with
fillers, that is, pseudo-nouns ending in a productive (nominative case) ending
(e.g., -a, -o, -os and -i).17 More specifically, we constructed ten items for each
class; hence 40 disyllabic and 40 trisyllabic pseudo-words were employed for
the experiment. We collected 2940 items in total, which were codified by the
experimenters according to speaker, type of word (acronym or filler), word size
and stress pattern. An example of the experimental material is provided in
Appendix d. A complete list of acronyms is given in Appendix e.
16
17
The hnc/ilsp is a corpus developed by the Institute for Language and Speech Processing which is available (with subscription) at the following website: http://hnc.ilsp.gr/en/
default.asp. It currently contains more than 47,000,000 words of written texts of various
genres (e.g. newspapers, literature, magazines, etc.) and is constantly being updated. Users
can retrieve parts of these texts and look for statistical data by typing queries of one to
three words. We obtained statistical data by typing an un-dotted version of the acronym
in Greek capital letters and selecting the fields ‘abbreviation’ and ‘statistical data’. Our
research was not confined to a specific text genre.
Fillers/pseudo-words were constructed on the basis of real words by changing: (a) the
initial vowel of the stem and (b) the initial and final consonants of the stem, while
respecting the syllabic structure and the phonotactic restrictions of the language.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
4.1.3
Procedure
The experiment took place in a quiet room, where the participants were individually tested by the second author. The participants were asked to read out
140 sentences containing an acronym or a pseudo-word (filler) presented as a
power point presentation on a laptop screen. Each slide contained five svo sentences with a gap in the subject position. The acronym or filler was given next
to the gap in capital letters—which according to the Greek orthographic conventions require no diacritic for stress—and in a simplified orthography (e.g.,
a single letter was always used for sounds that can be represented with letter
combinations in the Greek spelling system).
The speaker was free to choose the gender for the word s/he produced in
the gap. There was no time limitation in the completion of the task although
most participants completed the experiment within 30 minutes. The participants’ responses were recorded with the help of a Marantz pmd661 digital
recorder and a Sennheiser e-901 microphone. The speakers’ recordings were
independently rated for the position of stress by the three authors. There was
no discrepancy in the raters’ judgments regarding stress and syllable structure.
All raters unequivocally agreed on the position of stress and the segmental
structure of the outputs produced by the participants. The speakers’ responses
were codified regarding the position of stress as described in Section 3.1.3.
4.2
Results
The second experimental procedure yielded 1260 data points (60 acronyms ×
21 participants). Table 8 presented the overall stress patterns attested in the
collected data both in raw numbers and percentages.18
The results further confirm that u stress is the predominant pattern in the
collected data (χ2(2) = 981.733, p = .000) with pu stress being the second best
choice in the speakers’ productions. As in Experiment 1, apu stress is scarce
in the speakers’ productions, a finding that further buttresses the claim that it
does not represent the productive stress pattern in acronyms.
Multiple linear regression analyses were performed on the data set in order
to unearth the grammatical factors responsible for the stress pattern exhibited
by acronym constructions. The outcome of the regression analyses (adjusted
r2 = .180; f(3,1256) = 92.893, p = .000) suggests that the type of syllable in
final position does constitute a controlling factor for the position of stress
(β = .419, p = .000); final closed syllables attract stress more than open ones.
18
The frequencies, the mean scores and the sds depending on the size of the acronym and
the final segment are given in Appendix f.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 8
209
Overall stress pattern of acronyms
Stress pattern Percentages Raw numbers
u
pu
apu
Sum
72.06
27.14
0.80
100
908
342
10
1260
Therefore, we examined separately the stress patterns of acronyms ending
in consonants from those ending in vowels. Within each category, we also
addressed the impact of word-size, which was found to be of relevance in
Experiment 1. The results of Experiment 2 confirmed once again that the size
of acronyms is a predictive factor for stress (p > .1). As in Experiment 1, a closed
penultimate is more likely to attract stress than an open one (β = .069, p =
.019). There is, however, an important point of divergence in the results of the
two experiments: non-familiar disyllabic acronyms ending in the vowels [a,
o, i] show an equal preference for pu and u stress, a finding that calls for an
explanation, especially in light of the pu > u stress hierarchy revealed by most
v-ending acronyms in Experiment 1 (cf. Table 4). We shall address this issue
below.
In the remainder of this section, we thoroughly review the findings of Experiment 2 with emphasis on the stress behavior of vowel-ending acronyms.
4.2.1
Type of Final Segment and Size of Acronym
As expected, our speakers show a strong preference for stem-final stress in
c-final acronyms (χ2(2) = 957.800, p = .000) (Figure 5). This decision does not
seem to be affected by the number of syllables since the percentage of u stress
is significantly high in both disyllabic (χ2(1) = 268.800, p = .000) and trisyllabic
acronyms (χ2(2) = 346.200, p = .000).
The situation is dramatically different in v-ending acronyms, as the data in
Figure 6 demonstrate.
Because of the extremely low number of apu responses the difference
among the stress responses is statistically significant (χ2(2) = 296.067, p = .000).
The preference of the u over the pu responses, however, did not turn out to be
significant (p > .1). Speakers waver between pu and u stress when confronted
with disyllabic acronyms, which reveal a non-significant difference between
pu and u stress (χ2(1) = .086, p = .770). On the other hand, three-syllable-long
acronyms show once again a robust preference for u stress (u vs. pu: χ2(1) =
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
210
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
figure 5
Stress results in c-final acronyms.
Note: 2σ & 3σ: u: 575, pu: 53, apu: 2; 2σ: u: 378, pu: 42; 3σ: u: 197, pu: 11, apu: 2.
figure 6
Stress results in v-final acronyms.
Note: 2σ & 3σ: u: 333, pu: 289, apu: 8; 2σ: u: 207, pu: 213; 3σ: u: 126, pu: 76, apu: 8.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
211
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
table 9
Stress patterns per final vowel/number of syllables (percentages and raw numbers)
Stress a#
2σ
3σ
u
u
pu
pu
apu
apu
sum
65.48 %
(55)
32.14 %
(27)
2.38 %
(2)
84
31.43 %
(66)
68.57 %
(144)
–
210
table 10
o#
2σ
47.62 %
(10)
52.38 %
(11)
–
21
3σ
57.14 %
(24)
40.48 %
(17)
2.38 %
(1)
42
i#
2σ
3σ
57.14 %
(24)
42.86 %
(18)
–
42
59.52 %
(25)
35.72 %
(15)
4.76 %
(2)
42
e#
2σ
72.79 %
(107)
27.21 %
(40)
–
147
3σ
52.38 %
(22)
40.48 %
(17)
7.14 %
(3)
42
Stress preference in v-ending acronyms according to the type of the final vowel
Type of final
vowel
Stress preference hierarchy
in 2σ acronyms
Stress preference hierarchy
in 3σ acronyms
a
o
i
e
pu > u (χ2 = 28.971, p = .000)
pu = u (χ2 = .048, p = .827)
pu = u (χ2 = .857, p = .355)
u > pu (χ2 = 30.537, p = .000)
u > pu (χ2 = 9.561, p = .002)
pu = u (χ2 = 1.195, p = .274)
pu = u (χ2 = 2.500, p = .114)
pu = u (χ2 = .641, p = .423)
12.376, p = .000; u vs. apu: χ2(1) = 103.910, p = .000), which implies that, if the
final syllable is open, the number of syllables promotes u over pu stress.
To sum up, Experiment 2 complements the findings of Experiment 1 regarding both disyllabic and trisyllabic acronyms. Upon subjecting results to a more
careful examination, however, we observe that the type of final vowel colors
the output patterns with somewhat differently compared to Experiment 1, as
illustrated in Table 9 (cf. Table 3).
With the exception of a-ending acronyms, which show an admirable persistence to pu stress in disyllabic acronyms and to u stress in trisyllabic ones,
the picture in the other categories is quite different than the one portrayed by
Experiment 1. The key data involve acronyms ending in o and i, which show a
non-significant difference between u and pu responses. Interestingly, e-ending
acronyms preserve statistically significant percentages of u stress only in disyllabic acronyms; in trisyllabic ones pu stress appears to be quite elevated compared to the corresponding category of Experiment 1 (Table 10).
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
4.2.2
Syllable Type of pu
Given the results of the first experiment, it is anticipated the type of pu to
exercise only a minor effect on stress. The following two graphs illustrate the
impact of the pu syllabic structure on the stress patterns in c- and v-ending
acronyms.
As illustrated in Figures 7 and 8, a closed pu attracts stress more than an
open one. However, the closedness of the pu did not have a significant impact
on c-final acronyms (p > .1), whereas it had a marginally significant effect on
stress in v-final acronyms (χ2(1) = 3.439, p = .064, η2 = .090, Cramer’s v = .090,
Contingency Coefficient = .090). We infer from these results that final closed
syllables attract stress more regardless of whether the pu is an open syllable (χ2
= 150.876, p = .000) or a closed one (χ2 = 118.876, p = .000).
4.3
Discussion
The results of the second production experiment by and large confirm the
findings of the first one. First, there is an extremely low percentage of apu stress
productions in trisyllabic acronyms and, second, there is a high percentage
of u stress in trisyllabic v-final and c-final ones. We conclude, therefore, that
apu stress—the pattern that has been argued to represent the phonological
default in Greek—is extremely marginal or virtually nonexistent in acronym
constructions.
c-final acronyms, especially those of low familiarity, show a robust preference for u stress. This leads us to conclude that when faced with an unknown
acronym, the speaker relies on the type of the final segment in order to decide
between u and pu stress. If the final segment is a c, the speaker will more likely
opt for u stress because this pattern transparently demarcates the end of the
stem or, alternatively, underlines the suffixless nature of the construction at
hand. The behavior of disyllabic v-ending acronyms is a bit murkier. As mentioned above, here there is an almost equal distribution of pu and u stress.
However, on a more careful look we observe that the percentage of u stress in
acronyms ending in o and i is considerably elevated. Given the preponderance
of unfamiliar acronyms in Experiment 2 compared to Experiment 1, this result
is not surprising: the less familiar an acronym, the more u stress it will exhibit.
However, u stress is not the only attested stress pattern; there is also a considerable percentage of pu stress responses. The presence of both pu and u stress
suggests that when the morphophonological cues for stemhood (i.e. the suffixless nature of an acronym) are not as robust, e.g. the final segment is a vowel
which matches a morphological class marker, and the acronym is unfamiliar, a
conflict arises between assigning (a) the expected u stress, which is normally
associated with the absence of overt morphology (cf. c-ending acronyms), and
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
figure 7
Stress in 2σ c-final acronyms depending on the syllable type of the pu.
Note: pu (cv): u: 113, pu: 97; pu (cvc): u: 94, pu: 116.
figure 8
Stress in 2σ v-final acronyms depending on the syllable type of the pu.
Note: pu (cv): u: 194, pu: 16; pu (cvc): u: 184, pu: 26.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
213
214
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
(b) pu stress, which is possibly triggered by the incorrect interpretation of the
final vowel as a morphological marker.19 We claim that this erroneous reading activates the speaker’s internalized knowledge of lexical frequencies and,
as a result, the associated stress patterns are activated. Thus when speakers
have a low degree of acquaintance with an acronym ending in i and o, they are
expected to have a harder time deciding on the position of stress compared to cfinal acronyms because they may process the final vowel as a noun class marker.
An important question to be answered is why acronyms ending in a show
more persistence to pu stress compared to those ending in other vowels. A
possible explanation is that certain vowels are more likely than others to be
interpreted as class markers. In fact, a appears as a class marker in feminine,
masculine and neuter nouns (in the plural) whereas o and i have a stricter distribution. More importantly, -a as a morphological marker, unlike other class
markers, is almost exclusively associated with pu stress (90 % of nouns in -a are
stressed on the pu in the Lexicon).20 On the basis of this, we argue that final a
is too strong a cue to be missed or be ignored by the speakers and, as a result,
the pu stress associated with it is reflected quite dynamically in the speakers’
stress outputs. This assumption further supports—although from the opposite direction this time—the claim advanced above, namely that low degree of
familiarity functions as a natural amplifier of already robust cues. More specifically, a-ending acronyms release signals of pu stress which are amplified once
a speaker is confronted with unfamiliar acronyms of this type. Given that the
speaker uses the type of the final vowel as a guide in order to assign stress and
the fact that final a can be easily misinterpreted as an inflectional marker, pustressed outputs are expected to outweigh u-stressed ones.21 In the same spirit,
the final consonant, as an indicator of the indeclinable nature of the lexical
item at hand (given that no morphological class markers are consonantal in
Greek),22 is predominantly associated with u stress. Weaker cues, on the other
19
20
21
22
The elevated percentage of u stress in disyllabic o- and i-nouns compared to same size
nouns ending in -a and -as, is further confirmed by the findings of Revithiadou et al. (2012,
2013) and Revithiadou & Lengeris (in press), who examine the distribution of stress in the
nominal classes on the basis of two perception experiments.
This result is confirmed by a number of experimental studies on the relation between class
marker and stress in the Greek nominal system: Apostolouda et al. (2011); Apostolouda
(2012); Revithiadou et al. (2012, 2013); Revithiadou & Lengeris (in press).
See also Zuraw (2000, 2009); Hayes & Londe (2006); Becker et al. (2011) for similar findings
about the influence lexical frequency exercises on various morphophonological phenomena in novel words.
There is one exception to this generalization: the consonant ð is a marker of imparisyllabic
nouns, e.g. papús ‘grandfather-nom.sg’, papúðes ‘grandfather-nom.pl’.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
215
(4)
hand, are divided between two stress patterns. The described system of affairs
is visualized in (4).
A final issue that needs still to be addressed is the puzzling behavior of
trisyllabic v-final acronyms which advance u over pu stress according to the
results of both experiments. A possible explanation for this outcome could
be that since longer acronyms are rare, they are probably easier to be identified as acronyms. In other words, size functions as a cue of the indeclinable,
non-nativelike status of this group thus naturally triggering their association
with u stress. On a more speculative note, we also believe that the templatic
(c)v(c)v(c)v shape of longer acronyms renders them more perceptible compared to shorter ones advancing therefore their identification as uninflected
stems with the expected repercussions for stress.
In conclusion, even in the absence of overt morphology, i.e. inflection, stem
vowels can be interpreted as morphological markers giving sufficient leeway
to morphology to affect stress this time, however, from the back door. The
morphological orientation of stress in the absence of overt morphology is more
rigorously demonstrated by words which show no apparent resemblance to
inflected words, such as acronyms ending in a consonant or in the vowel e. It is
notable that apu stress is practically nonexistent in our data, a curious result in
its own right which can be efficiently addressed only in relation to the results of
crosslinguistic studies on lexical stress systems. The crosslinguistic comparison
will also give us the chance to shed some light as to why u stress emerges so
robustly in acronyms.
5
A Crosslinguistic Examination of Acronymic Stress and Concluding
Remarks
The results of both experiments point to final stress as the dynamic default
for Greek acronyms. This is a somewhat unexpected result given that the
elsewhere pattern, that is, the default which takes charge of accentuation when
morphemes lack lexical stress is on the apu syllable. These findings are coupled
by Topintzi & Kainada’s (2012) experimental findings on the stress behavior
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
216
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
of Greek acronyms according to which there is a strong tendency for final
stress, especially in acronyms ending in non-native codas. The researchers also
acknowledge the combinatorial effects of morphology and lexical frequency23
in skewing the preference for u stress in v-final acronyms since pu stress is also
attested in their data.
Interestingly, the marginality of the phonological default is witnessed in
other morphology-dependent systems such as Russian and Modern Hebrew.
A series of production experiments on Russian novel words (Nikolaeva 1971;
Crosswhite et al. 2003; Fainleib 2008; Lavitskaya & Kabak 2011a,b, 2014) and
research on acronyms (Andreev 2004) also designate stem final stress as the
preferred output stress pattern, especially in c-final novel stems. Similarly, in
Modern Hebrew, c-final novel stems and acronyms are predominantly stressed
on the u syllable (Bat-El 1994; Fainleib 2008).24 Remarkably, three different
morphology-oriented stress systems exhibit the exact same dynamic default:
stem final stress. However, Hebrew nonce and acronym words exhibit pu stress
when v-final (Bat-El 1994; Fainleib 2008), which in turn raises the issue of
whether these final vowels are being interpreted as suffixes or not. In Russian,
on the other hand, there is a lack of consensus with respect to the preferred
stress pattern in the same environment. Fainleib’s (2008) results for Russian
demonstrate that u stress significantly outnumbers pu stress in indeclinable
v-final nonce words, although pu stress in these stems was found to be significantly higher than in c-final ones. These findings, however, are challenged by
Lavitskaya & Kabak’s (2011a,b, 2014) production experiments on the stress of
indeclinable pseudo-words (i.e., place names). More specifically, they discovered a more robust preference for pu stress in the same environment regardless
of the quality of the vowels (back/front) that appear in the last two syllables.
This finding led them to propose that pu stress is the generalized default. The
pu stress in c-ending stems is attained by introducing an underlying ghost
vowel (@): cv́[email protected]
Overall, the results of experimental procedures performed on different morphology-dependent systems converge into acknowledging that stress in c-final
23
24
25
The morphological and lexical frequency effect refer respectively to the influence an
inflectional ending and the frequency of all words, irrespective of morphological category
(e.g., not just nouns but also verbs, adverbs, etc.), exercise on determining the stress
pattern of acronyms with matching endings.
See Fainleib (2008) for the details of the experimental tasks performed on Russian and
Modern Hebrew novel words.
Crosswhite et al. (2003)’s findings are not discussed in detail here because a portion of their
data was case-marked and as a result v-final words were interpreted as being inflected.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
217
words is more straightforwardly assigned and possibly more easily computed
compared to v-final ones.26 This raises questions as to the functional load vowels may carry. As mentioned above, vowels, at least in languages like Greek
where consonants do not function as class markers, may encode information
on the lexical frequency distributions of stress even when they are not part
of a suffix. By retrieving this information, speakers yield outputs at frequencies that match the lexical ones. However, this assumption is not shared by
all languages. Fainleib (2008: 59), for example, reports that the difference in
the distribution of stress between novel words whose final segments matched
nominal Hebrew suffixes and novel stems whose final segments did not match
nominal suffixes did not reach statistical significance. Recall, however, from the
discussion in the previous section that even in Greek lexical skewedness effects
emerge most prominently in acronyms that release strong cues for stemhood
(e.g., c- or e-ending acronyms) or in acronyms in which the final vowel matches
a morphological class marker with robust stress cues (e.g., a-ending acronyms).
Other v-final acronyms (e.g., o- and i-ending ones) waver between pu and u
stress because they lack such cues. Future research should explore whether
gender assignment and phonotactics can shed more light on the distinction
between acronyms that provide stronger cues of their uninflected nature and
those in which the cues point to the opposite direction, and ultimately can offer
supporting evidence for their differences in stress.
In addition, cues associated with the type of the final segment and/or the
size of the acronym are shown to guide a speaker’s stress choices more forcefully in low familiarity acronyms, that is, in situations in which the speaker is
basically faced with a novel word. It is exactly these cases that provide crucial information for understanding the difference between the phonological
and the dynamic default. The latter reflects the speaker’s aptitude to assign
a specific stress pattern to lexical items for which stress is unknown. As a
productive stress pattern it is expected to be vigorously enforced to the nonnative or non-frequent fraction of the vocabulary. The phonological default,
on the other hand, is confined to native inflected words or to words with
some history in the language (Andreev 2004), and it represents a learned rule
which basically instructs the speaker as to how to assign stress to known lexical items which lack underlying stress. One may wonder, however, where the
productive default does originate from. Lexically assigned stress targets the
26
See Nespor et al. (2003) for a discussion on the functional differences between vowels
and consonants. Consonants, for example, are argued to identify different lexical items
and, in general, to be dedicated to lexical interpretation whereas vowels mainly convey
grammatical information. Our results further confirm this assumption.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
edges of morphological elements (stems and inflectional suffixes) which is
exactly the target point of the productive default that emerged in our experimental data. Here we advance the claim that the productive default is nothing more than the inherent stress-encoding mechanism that Greek speakers
develop through a strenuous acquisition process. Consequently, the results
of our research provide support to the Stress Deafness acquisition hypothesis
(Peperkamp & Dupoux 2002; Dupoux & Peperkamp 2002; Peperkamp 2004;
Dupoux et al. 2008), which maintains that adult speakers of languages with
unpredictable stress—being exposed to stress contrasts—have the metrical
representations of words engraved in their Mental Lexicon. Here we take this
claim one step further and propose that Greek speakers activate exactly this
part of their grammar when making decisions on stress. What blurs the transparency of stress assignment is the intrusion of lexical frequency and of morphology, which is proven to be more persistent and devious than anticipated.
On the basis of the results of the experimental procedures described and
analyzed in this article, we conclude that the dynamic/productive and the
phonological default are two different entities and possibly must be treated
as such. Future research should address how these two defaults can be accommodated in a formal analysis of Greek stress.
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Epikinoniakon Anagon (Greek Initialisms and Acronyms in the light of Contemporary Communicative Needs). Proceedings of the 4th Conference Hellenic Language
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Fenomeno polaplis perikopis (The formation of initialisms in Modern Greek in Optimality Theory: A phenomenon of multiple truncation). ma Dissertation, University
of Athens.
Vazou, Elli and George Xydopoulos. 2007. Towards an Account of Acronyms / Initialisms in Greek. In Eleni Agathopoulou, Maria Dimitrakopoulou and Despina
Papadopoulou (eds.), Selected Papers on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, 231–243.
Thessaloniki: Monochromia.
Zuraw, Kie Ross. 2000. Patterned exceptions in phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation, University
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Zuraw, Kie Ross. 2009. Frequency Influences on Rule Application within and across
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Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
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revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Appendix a: Sample of the acronym list handed to the participants
in Reading Aloud Experiment 1
Acronyms
2σ
v.cv
α.τ.ε.
ε.μ.υ.
ε.π.ε.
ε.π.ο.
ε.ρα.
ε.ρ.ε.
ε.σ.α.
η.π.α.
ι.β.ε.
ι.κ.α.
ι.κ.υ.
ι.μ.ε.
ο.γ.α.
ο.ν.ε.
ο.τ.ε.
ο.φ.η.
υ.π.α.
v.ccv
α.κ.τ.ο.
ε.β.γα.
ε.σ.π.α.
cv.cv
βι.κ.η.
γ.α.δ.α.
δ.α.ν.ε.
δ.ε.κ.ο.
κ.α.π.η.
λ.α.ν.ε.
ν.ε.λ.ε.
τ.ε.β.ε.
τ.ε.φ.α.α.
χ.υ.τα.
ipa
/ate/
/emi/
/epe/
/epo/
/era/
/ere/
/esa/
/ipa/
/ive/
/ika/
/iki/
/ime/
/oɣa/
/one/
/ote/
/ofi/
/ipa/
/akto/
/evɣa/
/espa/
/viki/
/ɣaða/
/ðane/
/ðeko/
/kapi/
/lane/
/nele/
/teve/
/tefa/
/xita/
Acronyms
2σ
cv.v
β.α.ο.
δ.ε.η.
δ.ο.ε.
δ.ο.υ.
κ.ε.ε.
λ.ε.α.
π.α.ε.
π.α.ο.
τ.ε.ε.
τ.ε.ι.
ccv.v
κ.τ.ε.ο.
σ.β.ι.ε.
σ.δ.ο.ε.
τ.σ.α.υ.
vc.cv
α.μ.κ.α.
ε.κ.π.α.
ε.λ.κ.ε.
ελ.τα.
ι.μ.χ.α.
ιν.κα.
ο.λ.μ.ε.
cvc.cv
λ.α.φ.κ.α.
π.ι.κ.π.α.
cvc.cvc
π.ο.σ.δ.ε.π.
vc.cvc
α.σ.δ.ε.ν.
η.λ.π.α.π.
ipa
/vao/
/ðei/
/ðoe/
/ðoi/
/kee/
/lea/
/pae/
/pao/
/tee/
/tei/
/kteo/
/svie/
/sðoe/
/tsai/
/amka/
/ekpa/
/elke/
/elta/
/imxa/
/inka/
/olme/
/lafka/
/pikpa/
/posðep/
/asðen/
/ilpap/
Acronyms
2σ
v.cvc
α.β.ε.ζ.
α.κ.ε.λ.
α.ν.ε.κ.
α.ν.ε.σ.
α.σ.ε.π.
α.φ.η.σ.
ε.θ.ε.γ.
ε.θε.λ.
ε.κ.α.β.
ε.κ.α.μ.
ε.κ.α.σ.
επα.λ.
ε.π.ο.ν.
επ.οπ.
ε.τ.α.κ.
ε.τ.ε.π.
η.σ.α.π.
ι.φ.ε.τ.
ο.ν.νε.δ.
ο.π.α.δ.
ο.π.α.π.
ο.πε.κ.
υπ.εσ.
v.cvcc
υπ.εξ.
υπ.ε.π.θ.
v.vcc
ο.α.σ.θ.
ο.α.σ.π.
ο.ε.σ.β.
cccv.cv
τ.σ.μ.ε.δ.ε.
ipa
/avez/
/akel/
/anek/
/anes/
/asep/
/afis/
/eθeɣ/
/eθel/
/ekav/
/ekam/
/ekas/
/epal/
/epon/
/epop/
/etak/
/etep/
/isap/
/ifet/
/oneð/
/opað/
/opap/
/opek/
/ipes/
/ipeks/
/ipepθ/
/oasθ/
/oasp/
/oesv/
/tsmeðe/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
225
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
Acronyms
ipa
Acronyms
2σ
cv.cvc
γ.γ.ε.τ
γεν.οπ
πα.σο.κ.
σ.ε.γ.α.σ.
cv.cvcc
ν.ι.μ.τ.σ.
cv.ccvcc
π.ο.σ.π.ε.ρ.τ.
cv.vc
μ.ι.ε.τ.
π.α.ο.κ.
v.vc
α.ε.κ.
α.ε.π.
ε.α.μ.
ε.α.π.
ε.ο.κ.
ε.ο.τ.
ε.ο.φ.
ε.υ.π.
ι.ε.κ.
ι.ε.λ.
3σ
cv.cv.cv
/ɣeɣet/
δη.πε.θε.
/ɣenop/ σ.ε.λ.ε.τ.ε.
/pasok/
cv.cv.ccv
/seɣas/
δι.κ.α.τ.σ.α.
v.cv.cv
/nimits/ α.δ.ε.δ.υ.
ε.κε.βι.
/pospert/ ελ.ετ.ο.
ο.κα.να.
/miet/
v.v.cv
/paok/
ι.ο.β.ε.
ο.α.κ.α.
/aek/
ο.α.σ.α.
/aep/
ο.ε.φ.ε.
/eam/
cv.cv.v
/eap/
γ.σ.ε.ε.
/eok/
v.ccv.cv
/eot/
α.σ.παι.τ.ε.
/eof/
v.v.v
/eip/
α.ε.ι.
/iek/
ο.α.ε.ε.
/iel/
ο.η.ε.
v.cv.v
α.β.ε.ε.
α.με.α.
α.σ.ο.ε.ε.
v.v.cvc
ε.ε.δι.π.
ε.υδ.α.π.
υ.εν.ε.δ.
v.v.vc
ε.υ.α.θ.
ο.α.ε.δ.
ipa
/ðipeθe/
/selete/
/ðikatsa/
/aðeði/
/ekevi/
/eleto/
/okana/
/iove/
/oaka/
/oasa/
/oefe/
/ɣesee/
/aspete/
/aei/
/oae/
/oie/
/avee/
/amea/
/asoe/
/eeðip/
/eiðap/
/ieneð/
/eiaθ/
/oaeð/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
Acronyms
3σ
v.cv.vc
α.π.ο.ε.λ.
cv.v.vc
δ.ε.υ.α.κ.
δ.ε.υ.α.ρ.
cv.v.cvc
δ.ο.α.τ.α.π.
cv.cv.vc
τ.ε.π.α.ε.σ.
cv.cv.cvc
πα.λε.φι.π.
4σ
v.cv.cv.cv
υ.πε.χω.δ.ε.
v.cv.v.v
ε.σ.η.ε.α.
ipa
/apoel/
/ðeiak/
/ðeiar/
/ðoatap/
/tepaes/
/palefip/
/ipexoðe/
/esiea/
226
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Appendix b: Reading Aloud Experiment 1 Raw Numbers, Means
and sds
Type of acronym
n of responses
Mean
sd
disyllabic
trisyllabic
2544
574
1.10
1.00
0.30
0.11
v-final
disyllabic
trisyllabic
quadrisyllabic
2809
987
104
1.60
1.21
1.45
0.49
0.41
0.50
c-final
Note: The means in each condition results from the assignment of
score “1” to u stress, score “2” to pu stress and score “3” to apu stress.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
227
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
Appendix c: Familiar and Unfamiliar Acronyms, and Their
Percentages
Note: Non-familiar acronyms are shaded.
c-final acronyms
Acronym
Translation
α.β.ε.ζ. /avez/
α.ε.κ. /aek/
α.ε.π. /aep/
α.ν.ε.κ. /anek/
α.ν.ε.σ. /anes/
α.σ.ε.π. /asep/
γ.γ.ε.τ. /ɣeɣet/
Anonymous Industrial Pasta Company
Athletic Union of Constantinople
Gross Domestic Product
Anonymous Shipping Company of Crete
Anonymous Shipping Company of Symi
Supreme Council for Personnel Selection
General Secretariat for Research and
Technology
General Federation of Personnel
National Academic Recognition
Information Center
National Liberation Front
Special Laboratory Teaching Staff
Hellenic National Corpus
Company of Thermal Buses
National Center of Emergency Services
Special Suppressive Anti-Terrorist Unit
Pensioner Social Solidarity Allowance
European Economic Community
Greek National Tourism Organization
National Organization for Medicines
Single Tax of Real Estate
Special Technical Laboratory Staff
Thessaloniki Water Supply and Sewerage
Company
National Intelligence Service
Athens Water Supply and Sewerage
Company
Hellenic Military Staff
γεν.ο.π. /ɣenop/
δ.ο.α.τ.α.π. /ðoatap/
ε.α.μ. /eam/
ε.ε.δι.π. /eeðip/
ε.θ.ε.γ. /eθeɣ/
ε.θε.λ. /eθel/
ε.κ.α.β. /ekav/
ε.κ.α.μ. /ekam/
ε.κ.α.σ. /ekas/
ε.ο.κ. /eok/
ε.ο.τ. /eot/
ε.ο.φ. /eof/
ε.τ.α.κ. /etak/
ε.τ.ε.π. /etep/
ε.υ.α.θ. /eiaθ/
ε.υ.π. /eip/
ε.υδ.α.π. /eiðap/
επ.οπ. /epop/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
79
100
90
88
33
100
12
90
21
87
6
2
71
100
87
96
98
94
81
77
27
71
85
98
71
228
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
(cont.)
Acronym
επα.λ. /epal/
η.σ.α.π. /isap/
ι.ε.κ. /iek/
ι.ε.λ. /iel/
Translation
Vocational High School
Athens Piraeus Electric Railways
Vocational Training Institute
Institute for Language and Speech
Processing
ι.φ.ε.τ. /ifet/
Institute of Pharmaceutical Research and
Technology
μ.ι.ε.τ. /miet/
National Bank of Greece Cultural
Foundation
ο.α.ε.δ. /oaeð/
Manpower Planning and Development
Agency
ο.α.σ.θ. /oasθ/
Thessaloniki Urban Transport
Organization
ο.ν.νε.δ. /oneð/
Hellenic Democrat Students
ο.π.α.δ. /opað/
Organization for the Care of the Public
Sector’s Insured
ο.π.α.π. /opap/
Hellenic Organization of Football
Prognostics
ο.πε.κ. /opek/
Organization of the Petroleum Exporting
Countries
π.α.ο.κ. /paok/
Pan-Thessalonian Athletic Club of
Constantinopolitans
π.ο.σ.δ.ε.π. /posðep/
Hellenic Federation of University
Teachers’ Associations
π.ο.σ.π.ε.ρ.τ. /pospert/ Hellenic Confederation of ert Employees
πα.σο.κ. /pasok/
Panhellenic Socialist Movement
σ.ε.γ.α.σ. /seɣas/
Hellenic Association of Amateur
Athletics
τ.ε.π.α.ε.σ. /tepaes/
Department of Pre-school Education and
Educational Design
υ.εν.ε.δ. /ieneð/
Information Service of Armed Forces
υπ.ε.π.θ. /ipepθ/
Ministry of National Education and
Religious Affairs
υπ.εξ. /ipeks/
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
υπ.εσ. /ipes/
Ministry of Interior
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
94
88
100
31
31
15
100
81
94
75
98
73
98
31
87
100
92
12
75
100
98
98
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
229
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
Acronyms ending in a
Acronyms
Translation
α.μ.κ.α. /amka/
α.με.α. /amea/
γ.α.δ.α. /ɣaða/
δι.κ.α.τ.σ.α. /ðikatsa/
Social Security Number
People with Disabilities
General Police Agency of Attika
Interuniversity Center for Recognition of
Foreign Academic Titles
Greek Dairy Industry
National and Kapodistrian University of
Athens
Hellenic Post
Hellenic Radio
Journalists’ Union of the Athens Daily
Newspapers
National Strategic Reference Framework
United States of America
Social Security Organization
Institute for Balkan Studies
Consumers Institute
Account Solidarity of Social Insurance
Emergency Lane
Olympic Athletic Center of Athens
Athens Urban Transport Organization
Agriculture Insurance Organization
Organization Against Drugs
Patriotic Foundation of Social Protection
and Care
Faculty of Physical Education and Sports
Science
Landfill sites
ε.β.γα. /evɣa/
ε.κ.π.α. /ekpa/
ελ.τα. /elta/
ε.ρα. /era/
ε.σ.η.ε.α. /esiea/
ε.σ.π.α. /espa/
η.π.α. /ipa/
ι.κ.α. /ika/
ι.μ.χ.α. /imxa/
ιν.κα. /inka/
λ.α.φ.κ.α. /lafka/
λ.ε.α. /lea/
ο.α.κ.α. /oaka/
ο.α.σ.α. /oasa/
ο.γ.α. /oɣa/
ο.κα.να. /okana/
π.ι.κ.π.α. /pikpa/
τ.ε.φ.α.α. /tefa/
χ.υ.τα. /xita/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
100
87
90
88
100
35
100
94
77
85
100
100
27
77
81
27
100
88
100
90
92
100
92
230
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Acronyms ending in e
Acronyms
α.β.ε.ε. /avee/
Translation
Anonymous Industrial and Commercial
Company
α.σ.ο.ε.ε. /asoee/
Athens School of Economics and
Business
α.τ.ε. /ate/
Agricultural Bank of Greece
γ.σ.ε.ε. /ɣesee/
General Confederation of Greek Workers
δ.ο.ε. /ðoe/
International Olympic Committee
δη.πε.θε. /ðipeθe/
Municipal Regional Theater
ε.λ.κ.ε. /elke/
Special Account for Research Grants
ε.π.ε. /epe/
Limited Liability Company
ι.β.ε. /ive/
Institute for Byzantine Research
ι.ο.β.ε. /iove/
Foundation of Economical and Industrial
Research
λ.α.ν.ε. /lane/
Lassithian Anonymous Shipping
Company
ο.η.ε. /oie/
United Nations
ο.λ.μ.ε. /olme/
Hellenic Federation of State School
Teachers of Secondary Education
ο.ν.ε. /one/
Economic and Monetary Union
ο.τ.ε. /ote/
Hellenic Telecommunications
Organization
π.α.ε. /pae/
Hellenic Athletic Club
σ.β.ι.ε. /svie/
Schools of Medical Assistant Professions
σ.δ.ο.ε. /sðoe/
Financial and Economic Crime Unit
σ.ε.λ.ε.τ.ε. /selete/
School of Vocational and Technological
Education
τ.ε.β.ε. /teve/
Fund of Greek Practitioners and
Tradesmen
τ.ε.ε. /tee/
Technical Vocational Educational Schools
υ.πε.χω.δ.ε. /ipexoðe/ Ministry of the Environment, City
Planning and Public Works
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
77
90
92
100
79
90
13
79
13
21
33
100
94
96
100
96
98
100
79
100
98
100
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
231
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
Acronyms ending in i
Acronyms
Translation
α.δ.ε.δ.υ. /aðeði/
α.ε.ι. /aei/
βι.κ.η. /viki/
δ.ε.η. /ðei/
δ.ο.υ. /ðoi/
ε.κε.βι. /ekevi/
ε.μ.υ. /emi/
ι.κ.υ. /iki/
κ.α.π.η. /kapi/
ο.φ.η. /ofi/
τ.ε.ι. /tei/
Supreme Confederation of Civil Servants
University (/High Educational Institute)
Meet Industry of Epirus
Public Power Corporation
Public Financial Service
National Book Center of Greece
Hellenic National Meteorological Service
State Scholarship Foundation
Day Care Centre For The Elderly
Heraklian Athletic Club
Technological Educational Institute
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
98
100
85
100
96
31
96
50
100
98
100
Acronyms ending in o
Acronyms
Translation
α.κ.τ.ο. [akto]
β.α.ο. [vao]
δ.ε.κ.ο. [ðeko]
ε.π.ο. [epo]
ελ.ετ.ο. [eleto]
κ.τ.ε.ο. [kteo]
π.α.ο. [pao]
Athenian Art and Design College
Byzantine Athletic Group
Public Companies and Organizations
Hellenic Football Federation
Hellenic Society for Terminology
Vehicle Technical Inspection Centre
Athenian Athletic Club
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
Reading Aloud
Experiment 1 (%)
77
48
98
88
2
100
100
232
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Appendix d: Sample of Experimental Items from Reading Aloud
Experiment 2
Greek:
Translation:
o/η/To ………… (θαστα) δεν ισχύει πια.
The (masc/fem/neut) ………… is not valid.
[θasta]
The (masc/fem/neut) ……………. defends
the farmers. [ake]
The (masc/fem/neut) ………… flew away.
[lexθos]
The (masc/fem/neut) …………. organizes
seminars next month. [oasp]
The (masc/fem/neut) …………… is not
ready. [poski]
o/η/To ……………. (ακε) υπερασπίζεται
τους αγρότες.
o/η/To …………….(λεχθοσ) πέταξε
μακριά.
o/η/To …………. (οασπ) οργανώνει
σεμινάρια τον άλλο μήνα.
o/h/To ……………(ποσκι) δεν είναι έτοιμο
Appendix e
Acronym list handed to the participants in Reading Aloud Experiment 2
Acronyms
2σ
v.cv
ακε
εμε
ιβε
οββο
cv.cv
γαδα
δονα
νεδε
σατα
σεθα
cv.v
βεα
ipa
/ake/
/eme/
/ive/
/ovo/
/ɣaða/
/ðona/
/neðe/
/sata/
/seθa/
/vea/
Acronyms
2σ
cvc.cvc
γεδσαπ
λιπτολ
ποσδεπ
vc.cvc
αδσεν
ασδακ
εδκεπ
εκπαζ
ελτροπ
ηλπαπ
ολκεσ
v.cvcc
ipa
/ɣeðsap/
/liptol/
/posðep/
/aðsen/
/asðak/
/eðkep/
/ekpaz/
/eltrop/
/ilpap/
/olkes/
Acronyms
3σ
cv.cv.cv
διπεχω
σελετε
ταποτε
cv.cv.ccv
πενοψυ
v.cv.cv
ομεπο
οσυπα
υπεθα
cv.v.cv
τεαδυ
v.cv.v
ipa
/ðipexo/
/selete/
/tapote/
/penopsi/
/omepo/
/osipa/
/ipeθa/
/teaði/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
233
stress in the absence of morphological conditioning
Acronyms
2σ
vc.cv
ελκε
ελπα
cvc.cv
διπκα
κεδκε
κεπκα
λαφκα
πεκδυ
περπα
τανπυ
σελμε
cv.cvc
κενακ
νεχωπ
πεφιπ
ταπεμ
v.cvc
ιφετ
οδεγ
ipa
/elke/
/elpa/
/ðipka/
/keðke/
/epka/
/lafka/
/pekði/
/perpa/
/tanpi/
/elme/
Acronyms
2σ
αβεκτ
ιτεσκ
v.cvccc
ετερπσ
v.vcc
οασπ
ipa
/avekt/
/itesk/
/eterps/
/oasp/
/kenak/
/nexop/
/pefip/
/tapem/
/ifet/
/oðeɣ/
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234
Acronyms
3σ
αβεα
cv.cv.v
κεθεα
cv.cv.cvc
πασεγεσ
πασιδικ
πασονοπ
σεβιτελ
cv.v.cvc
ποεδην
τεαμεζ
v.cv.cvc
ασετεμ
ελασετ
ελεγεπ
v.cv.vc
αποελ
ipa
/avea/
/keθea/
/paseɣes/
/pasiðik/
/pasonop/
/sevitel/
/poeðin/
/teamez/
/asetem/
/elaset/
/eleɣep/
/apoel/
234
revithiadou, nikolou and papadopoulou
Appendix f: Reading Aloud Experiment 1 Raw numbers, means and sds
Type of acronym
n of responses
Mean
sd
disyllabic
trisyllabic
420
210
1.10
1.07
0.30
0.29
v-final
disyllabic
trisyllabic
420
210
1.51
1.44
0.50
0.57
c-final
Note: The means in each condition results from the assignment of
score “1” to u stress, score “2” to pu stress and score “3” to apu stress.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 15 (2015) 187–234