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April 16, 2011
Star Academy LBC:
Negotiating Modernity and Navigating the Waters of Cultural Imperialism
By Joseph Chehouri
Coca-Cola, Hollywood, and “Happy Meals” are all emblems of an Americana that
invokes a warm nostalgia within the United States. Yet at the same time these American icons
cause a cold sweat along the brow of countries who have been fast adapting strategies to stave
off the “specter” of Americanization. They must do their most to prevent their culture and nation
from becoming another victim of cultural imperialism, at least in the American sense.
Traditionally defined, cultural imperialism is the over-bearing one-way flow of cultural goods
and their values from the Center (i.e. the West) to the Periphery (“the rest”). Claiming, however,
that media effects are inescapable injections into receiving audiences (Hypodermic Needle
Theory), the cultural imperialism thesis completely ignores the role of both culture and people’s
agency in the receiving country. Media messages are polysemic, and because audiences aren’t
simply blank slates waiting to be transcribed upon, they can interpret and respond to cultural
products in innumerable ways. As individuals, they decide for themselves what to make of these
messages. Furthermore, the phenomenon D.K. Thussu discusses at length (in his book Media on
the Move: Global Flow and Contra Flow) known as glocalization, a process of adapting a
dominant flow to local culture, can transform the original product into a culturally proximate
one, laden with altogether new meanings. 1
Although pundits claim it a cheap recreation of Western media programming, a vehicle of
Western cultural hegemony, plaudits see Star Academy LBC as an eminent example of how
1
Thussu, Daya Kishan. Media on the Move: Global Flow and Contra-flow. London: Routledge, 2007. Print.
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locally adapting dominant media formats actually challenges the notion of uniform, culturally
imperial, media effects. This show has proved since its 2003 inception, both controversial and
cutting-edge, but above all a catalyst for debate in the Arab world. A glocalized version of the
western format (Star Academy France, produced by Dutch format house Endemol), Star
Academy LBC is an intentional hybrid. Which in the words of media scholar Marwan Kraidy, “is
concrete and social, resulting from the perception of one cultural system [Western], through the
language of another culture [Arabic].”2
Star Academy reflects a “fusion of multiple realities, muddling the borders between
‘domestic’ and ‘foreign’ and ‘Arab’ or ‘Islamic’ and what is alien.”3 Accordingly, it tackles
deeply entrenched societal norms in the Arab world and allows audiences to negotiate notions of
modernity on their own terms. It challenges the political and social realities of many Arab
countries, and provokes audiences to reconcile religious traditions and normative evolution
within their own cultural context. Essentially, the show reveals the coexistence of different ways
of feeling and being modern.
The show inspires questioning at every point of societal interaction, among citizens,
workers, and families alike. Its success as such, hinges on its Lebanese context. Once the “Paris”
of the MiddleEast, Lebanon is considered the most politically, socially, and morally, liberal state
in the region, with a rich and diverse media history. Tele-Orient, founded in 1959, was the
country’s first TV channel. Today Lebanon is home to over 40 registered privately owned
channels, nine of which operate daily; the most prominent and globally recognized being Future
2
Kraidy, M. (2010). Reality television and arab politics :Contention in public life. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University
Press.
3
Kraidy, M. (2010). Reality television and arab politics :Contention in public life. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University
Press.
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TV, and LBC. Many of these channels, LBC specifically, cooperated from the beginning with
American and French stations. 4 So, by largely looking westward for inspiration Lebanese
programs have introduced new trends in Arab TV, most notably reality television, and audience
interaction via cellular phones. The fact that Lebanese producers triumphantly remodel Western
program formats to Arabized versions of the original, affords pan-arab audiences with a
culturally proximate reference point, similar enough to feel familiar with, yet distant enough to
challenge. Furthermore, because Lebanese producers are versed in the intricacies of Arab society,
they can manipulate them in a norm-challenging way that no Western media product or format
could ever do alone.5
Star Academy provokes a discussion of modernity in both a political and social sense.
Politically, the show incorporates the modern values and behaviors of voting and public debate.
It offers viewers a world in which their votes can certainly affect change. In fact, it implores
viewers to participate via text message in determining the fate of each week’s competitors, and
even thanks them for their interaction. The show’s contestants’ personal creativity, ingenuity, and
skill, combined with popular vote, dictates their success, offering viewers evidence that success
doesn’t have to hinge upon personal connections and collusion, both regional norms. Audiences
also have the opportunity to freely express their opinions in short texts continually updated on
the rolling info feed at the bottom of the screen, not to mention, audiences continually survey the
contestants’ progress through 24-hour cameras placed throughout the academy. They can directly
observe the personal interactions among contestants and are exposed to each of their
4
Hafez, K. (2001). Mass media, politics, and society in the middle east. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton
Press.
5
Heinemann, A., Lamloum, O., Weber, A. F., Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft,
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, & Institut français du Proche-Orient. (2009). The middle east in the media :Conflicts,
censorship and public opinion. London; Saint Paul, Minn.: Saqi.
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idiosyncrasies. This aspect gives the show an air of complete transparency, where the actions of
those in question, can directly impact their reputation and perception among the masses, in effect
making them accountable at all times to voters.
The show’s original theme song, “Jayee al Haqiqa” (Truth is on the Way), is laden with
flag bearing contestants marching through the streets. It is overtly reminiscent of a political
protest in which demonstrators have the power to reform the regime and bring about lasting
change. The show’s current theme song, “Nahna Kilna Sawt Wahad” (We’re All One Voice) is
also noticeably political. It captures candidates from across the Arab world united on stage
clapping and singing together. They reveal that they are “wasting time year after year,” by not
challenging the status quo. They seek to “let the world hear their voices,” as they “rise together”
towards a new, better future. This modern political landscape, what could be an “alternative
future”6, is however, completely at odds with the archaic political reality of almost all 22
countries of the Arab world. Hence the show’s structure begs spectators to freshly question the
stale, corrupt, and autocratic nature of their country’s respective administrations ,which as the
recent cases of Tunisia and Egypt demonstrate, can end in successful reform.
Star Academy triumphantly provokes these grapplings with a political modernity because
it is a glocalized version of the original format. Predominantly in Arabic, it presents a cast of
entirely Arab candidates from across the entire region, singing numerous Arab songs, both folk
and contemporary. In addition the show appears on LBC, a chief Lebanese broadcaster and
regionally renowned television station. Despite the fact that the show employs a more liberal
aesthetic, one that may directly conflict with more conservative interpretations of Islam, each of
6
Kraidy, M. (2010). Reality television and arab politics :Contention in public life. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge
University Press.
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the aforementioned aspects makes the show more culturally proximate to viewers than any
Western original could be, and allocates it a degree of Arab authenticity. As Thussu points out, it
is these “familiar differences”7 that make Star Academy the centerpiece for pan-Arab debates and
discussions of political modernity.
Beyond political modernity, Star Academy proposes a social modernity that both attracts
and alienates viewers. This social modernity hinges upon the portrayal of women. Though LBC
General Manager Pierre al-Daher describes his channel as a “general entertainment channel free
of social inhibitions,” a good number of Arabs, both Lebanese and otherwise, craftily refer to it
as “elbesee”, or “get dressed” in Arabic. 8 The channel has historically relied on flirtatiously
dressed female show hosts unhesitant to lure viewers in to the world of luscious lips and lengthy
lashes. Star Academy, LBC’s most prominent poster-child, thoroughly captures this unsubtle
social and aesthetic liberalism.
The show’s host Hilda Khalife, typically dons very fashion-forward attire, while the
female contestants often opt for knee-length dresses that commonly refer to their decolletage or
shamelessly show their shoulders. The show proposes that the modern Arab woman is
uninhibited by traditionally modest Islamic aesthetic values. She is alluring and unafraid to
exhibit her body to the world. Furthermore, surprise appearances on the show by seductive panArab pop-stars and sultry singing sensations Nancy Ajram and Haifa Wehbe only reaffirm the
lascivious look of the modern Arab woman as a synonym for success and celebrity. This new
definition has been praised by leading Arab feminists such as Joumana Haddad, editor-in-chief
7
Thussu, Daya Kishan. Media on the Move: Global Flow and Contra-flow. London: Routledge, 2007. Print.
8
Kraidy, M. (2010). Reality television and arab politics :Contention in public life. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge
University Press.
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and founder of Jasad magazine, who remarks that “we need to stop treating [women’s] bodies as
if they’re something to be ashamed of...We have so many issues to deal with without having the
extra weight of covering our bodies.”9
But, many Star Academy viewers argue that this portrayal of so-called “modern” women
is contrived, and turns women’s bodies into commodities. In short, it robs them of a basic respect
that Islam endows, and reduces them to vehicles of sexual desire, provoking some women, as
AP journalist Donna Abu-Nasr finds, to pray to Allah to smite these seductresses.10 Hence, the
show’s pundits propose that the established Muslim aesthetic can also be a modern one.
Islam calls to conceal women’s bodies in order to keep desire and temptation from
tarnishing the daily interactions between genders. Because the Muslim dress code is an integral
part of Arab society to some, it becomes embedded in the Arab woman’s identity. Consequential
Lebanese TV station Al-Manar, highlights its ability to be both modern and Muslim. It employs
women as journalists, editors, presenters, reporters and political analysts, who all wear the hijab
and unrevealing garments that are still made of fine fabrics emblazoned with the latest patterns.
These women, aesthetically polar opposites to their Star Academy counterparts, are also
examples of success and celebrity. Al-Manar employee Fatmeh Berri adds that this style of dress
“encourages the public image of women as intellectually viable”, not just physically appealing. 11
These disparate takes on women’s aesthetic only prove the coexistence of different ways
Arab women can imagine their modernity. Neither is more correct, and only applies to a specific
segment of women. In a Lebanese context, this is why Mona Khalaf, Director of the Institute for
9
Zablit, J. (2009, March 30). Lebanese magazine lifts veil on sex in the arab world. Agence France Presse -- English,
10
Abu-Nasr, D., & Writer, A. P. (2003, October 25). Seductive pop. Associated Press Worldstream,
11
Sakr, N. (2004). Women and media in the middle east :Power through self- expression. London; New York: I.B. Tauris.
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Women’s Studies at the Lebanese American University, “...always [talks] of Lebanese women
rather than the Lebanese woman.” She identifies “how difficult it is to compare the Lebanese
woman who lives in the South, and whose husband is a Hezbollah fighter, with the woman who
teaches in the university, with the ladies of la haute société who throw their parties every night,
and have their massages in the day.”12 Her point emphasizes the role of people’s agency and
culture in receiving media messages. They have the power to tailor products to their individual
needs; they can decide for themselves what they approve or disapprove of. Reactions to Star
Academy, as a glocalized pop culture product, expose this point and beg us to question cultural
imperialism’s validity.
Since its 2003 debut Star Academy LBC (in its eighth season), as glocalized version of an
originally western francophone format (Star Academy France produced by Dutch format house
Endemol), has been a highly controversial and extremely profitable show. Its Lebanese context
provides a culturally proximate reference point for pan-Arab audiences. It offers them an
alternate political and social reality neatly packaged into easily digestible dailies and biweekly
primes with sleek production values presented in colloquial Lebanese dialect, interspersed with
English and French phrases, giving it a cosmopolitan appeal. It affords viewers a world in which
their political participation is compulsory, and can positively affect change. One in which gender
roles are redefined with women as equal competitors, portrayed in an aesthetically progressive
manner.
Above all, the show stimulates audiences to imagine modernity in their own individual
contexts, resulting in definitions as diverse as the cultures of the Arab world (comprised of
12
Sakr, N. (2004). Women and media in the middle east :Power through self- expression. London; New York: I.B. Tauris.
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twenty-two unique countries). Star Academy demonstrates that modernity cannot be
dichotomously defined against “tradition,” as Daniel Lerner so infamously proposed in 1958 in
The Passing of Traditional Society. Pan-Arab audiences can retain “traditional” Islamic values,
such as dress-code, while still identifying with the show’s “modern” politics and
cosmopolitanism.
The show’s supporters highlight its political and social production qualities as stepping
stones to a more liberal MiddleEast, yet Star Academy’s detractors augur its contamination of an
authentic culture. They see it as another vehicle of cultural imperialism. Critics, such as 30 year
old Egyptian Hisham Khalil, argue that by “trying to Westernize their approach to art and
entertainment,” LBC, through such shows, are proposing that “the Eastern culture has no more to
give.”13 But, in numerous interpretations of the show’s messages, we see that Hisham and other
critics may be over-zealous in their prophecies. The simple fact that the show provokes debate
emphasizes that humans are not just helpless victims of overbearing media messages and can
consciously select what to take away from a cultural product like Star Academy. Their individual
agency ensures that the specter of Americanization remains only a figment of the imagination.
Since cultures are comprised of continuities alongside change, Star Academy shouldn’t be seen
as tarnishing an authentic culture as much as helping to refine its core values. In the words of
Ghanian philosopher Kwame Appiah, “societies without change aren’t authentic, there just
dead.”14
13
Abu-Nasr, D., & Writer, A. P. (2003, October 25). Seductive pop. Associated Press Worldstream,
14
Appiah, Kwame A. "The Case For Contamination." The New York Times Online. The New
Web. 12 Apr. 2011.
<http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/01/magazine/01cosmopolitan.html?_r=1>.
York Times, 1 Jan. 2006.
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References
Abu-Nasr, D., & Writer, A. P. (2003, October 25). Seductive pop. Associated Press Worldstream,
Appiah, Kwame A. "The Case For Contamination." The New York Times Online. The New York
Times, 1 Jan. 2006. Web. 12 Apr. 2011.
<http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/01/magazine/01cosmopolitan.html?_r=1>.
Hafez, K. (2001). Mass media, politics, and society in the middle east. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton
Press.
Heinemann, A., Lamloum, O., Weber, A. F., Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft,
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, & Institut français du Proche-Orient. (2009). The middle east in
the media :Conflicts, censorship and public opinion. London; Saint Paul, Minn.: Saqi.
Kraidy, M. (2010). Reality television and arab politics :Contention in public life. Cambridge;
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Lerner, Daniel, and Lucille W. Pevsner. The Passing of Traditional Society. 1958. Print.
Sakr, N. (2004). Women and media in the middle east :Power through self- expression. London;
New York: I.B. Tauris.
Thussu, Daya Kishan. Media on the Move: Global Flow and Contra-flow. London: Routledge,
2007. Print.
"Waleg Star Academy Latest News, Prime Reviews, Photos and Videos." Waleg.com . Your
Gateway to Arabic Pop Culture News, LBC Star Academy and More. Web. 11 Apr. 2011. <http://
www.waleg.com/star-academy/>.
"Star Academy 7." Web. 11 Apr. 2011. <http://www.lbcgroup.tv/Staracademy/>.
Zablit, J. (2009, March 30). Lebanese magazine lifts veil on sex in the arab world. Agence
France Presse -- English,